Transgenr Morocn Influencer Tells Women to Out Gay Men

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This chapter offers an analysis of an onle mpaign targetg gay, bisexual, and queer men Moroc which young women create fake profil on Grdr and PlaRomeo to expose or “out” lol men prumed to be gay. The screenshots at the center of...

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WHAT’S IT LIKE TO BE GAY … MOROC?

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For those who heard about the se of Ray Cole—a Brish tourist arrted last year Marrakech, Moroc, on spicn of mtg “homosexual acts” and sentenced to four months’ hard time a Morocn jail prr to his early release— is perhaps difficult to image that Moroc was somethg of a gay paradise for whe men of standg the aftermath of World War II. But what is more signifint about Cole’s se is that monstrat the te realy for gay men Moroc, namely, that while the laws on homosexualy are enforced nsistently, there is evintly a double standard employed their applitn. The lerature available to potential gay travelers to Moroc—of which there is a great al sce, spe of laws and social norms there, Moroc remas a prime statn for package holiday-goers om Bra, France, and Germany—is very clear settg out what is and isn’t acceptable.

The scen of Cole’s fay greetg him at Bra’s Gatwick Airport ntrast starkly wh how gay men are treated Morocn society: looked down upon, rejected by their fai, dismissed wh the Maghrebi Arabic slur zamel. “More than [Cole’s] own se, what happened to him shows how vulnerable gay Morocns are, ”Abllah Taïa, a Morocn wrer and filmmaker who now liv exile, wrote The Guardian, “They are at the mercy of anyone. ” To the qutn of what is like to be gay Moroc, then, the answer very much means one thg to a Wtern visor and que another to Morocn natnals, who are nsired by their society and their state to be of lser value.

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Alongsi other popular gay apps like PlaRomeo and Hor, Grdr appeals to s ers wh the promise that, by downloadg the app, they will be put ntact wh an unseen world of men-seekg-men that exists around them— their neighborhood, their cy, their muny—through the means of s lotn-based chat servic. In recent years, lotn-based gay datg apps like Grdr, Hor, and PlaRomeo have been ployed as tools for homophobic vigilant to “hunt” gay men orr to expose their sexual orientatn, to shame gay men ont of their fai and iends, and to m homophobic acts of vlence. In Rsia, for example, crimal gangs are known to create fake profil on gay datg apps, lurg unspectg men to meetg them only to extort the men for brib unr the threat of exposure or vlence (Carroll, 2019).

MAKG VISIBLE THE UNSEEN QUEER: GAY DATG APPS AND IOLOGI OF TTHMAKG AN OUTG CAMPAIGN MOROC

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In South Korea, screenshots om gay datg apps have been ed as evince ary trials implitg active-duty soldiers of illegal same-sex acts (Gzen, 2021) this chapter, I analyze a mpaign targetg gay, bisexual, and queer men Moroc which young women create fake profil on Grdr and PlaRomeo orr to expose or “out” lol men prumed to be gay.

Footnote 1 In addn to facg potential crimal punishment on the basis of their sexualy, many Morocn gay men experience abe and vlence om the police, neighbors, and fay when they are perceived to challenge lol heteronormative expectatns of proper genred behavr (Ale-Ebrahim, 2019). I argue that the sign featur of lotn-based gay datg apps like Grdr and PlaRomeo allow for the possibily of both sirable nnectn and unwanted exposure for queer men Moroc, challengg the misnceptn that the apps functn as unplited “safe spac” for queer timacy and muny buildg. Multiple actors Morocn social media works, workg alongsi the sign of the apps themselv, “entextualize” (Bman & Briggs, 1990) imag and text msag shared on gay datg apps as transparent ditors of same-sex sire, a “media iology” (Gershon, 2010) that prents risks for gay app ers Moroc.

This teractn soon beme a nontatn when Talouni prsured the young man to publicly intify himself as gay and threatened to post “revealg photos showg him wh another gay man” if he did not ply (Alami, 2020). After he persistently refed to intify himself as gay spe creasg prsure om Talouni, she then displayed a photo for her viewers of what appeared to be the young man loungg at a pool wh an olr beard European man, prentg the photo as unniable evince of his homosexualy. In later social media posts, Talouni claimed that her tent wh this send livtream was to brg gay men “closer to the mastream society” Moroc by enuragg her followers to “thk of gay people as the man or woman next door and to stop the negative fantasy of who gay people are, how they look like and how they live” (Greenhalgh & Al-Khal, 2020).

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Dpe her claims, this send Instagram broadst rerc misogynistic, homophobic, and transphobic rhetoric Moroc that glorifi hegemonic heteromasculy at the expense of non-normative genr exprsn and same-sex sexualy.

Talouni begs her send Instagram broadst by statg, lloquial Morocn Arabic, “I feel bad for some loubiyat [rogatory term for gay men, roughly equivalent to ‘faggots’ English], but I don’t really re.

” She go on to enurage her female dience to download gay datg apps like Grdr and PlaRomeo as tools to disver a salac unrworld of same-sex sire their immediate geographil vicy:Listen up, girls: Open the App Store, you’ll type [ the search bar] ‘gay apps.

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All you women, girls, those who wear hijab who say ‘there is no hband like me [on the apps], ’ the mother who says ‘my son is the bt’ and curs and swears about homosexuals like me, who says ‘my hband is much more mascule than you, Sofia, you loubia. Talouni giv tailed stctns for how women n easily create fake profil on gay apps like Grdr, posg as gay men orr to solic promisg rmatn about the same-sex sir of their male relativ and neighbors for future e blackmail and timidatn.

Talouni prents this as a quasi-femist act, enuragg her female followers to arm themselv wh an archive of digal evince pictg the shameful homosexual sir of the men their immediate social circl as a way to unteract potential future cricism of their own sexualy and relatnships. In the Instagram broadst that started this outg mpaign, Talouni displays a digal photograph, obtaed om an unknown source, as supposedly unniable proof of a young man’s homosexual orientatn. Dpe his own protts and persistent refal to intify himself as gay, Talouni succeeds outg him to an dience of tens of thoands by displayg a photograph of him loungg a pool close physil proximy to an olr shirtls man.

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What is important nstctg the young man’s gay inty this moment is not his own words but rather the publicly displayed photograph; is amed as physil evince of the man’s te hidn sir, a more tstworthy ditor of his ner homosexual nature and of his endurg ternal feelgs than his own verbal ttimony this moment. Like a urtroom attorney simply prsg “play” on an dtape rerdg, Talouni tak up the footg of “mere nonspeakg relayer” of the image’s msage, enuragg her dience to let the photograph “speak for self” as a transparent ditor of the man’s past homosexual acts and his ongog same-sex sir (Matoian, 2001: 146). She simply prents the image as transparent proof that the man is lyg about his sexualy, darg him to ny what appears to be the objective tth reprented this image of him stg a pool, suggtively close to an olr beard man drkg a uy Talouni herself, the women who rpond to her ll to create fake profil on gay datg apps also teract wh digal imag and text msag as transparent ditors of hidn same-sex sire.

The members of this group lgh at the men they disver on Grdr and other gay apps, exprsg how shocked they are to fd so many faggots [loubiyat] their lol neighborhood when they download the app. They lgh about how they had hoped to disver whether their ex-boyiends were secretly gay, g the app to “expose the faggots [zawa] among the guys our neighborhood” [kanqilb ʿala zawa dyal oulad rbna] sharg photos of nventnally attractive Morocn men wh handsome beard fac and mcular bodi, the women tend to huiate and shame men who might otherwise pass for straight by exposg their same-sex sir a public Facebook group wh thoands of members.

They project a homosexual inty onto the men simply by referencg the fact that their imag were found on same-sex datg apps, makg an assumptn that the imag reveal a hidn tth about the men’s supposedly-effemate genr inty and queer sexual orientatn that is at odds wh their external mascule appearance. Like Talouni’s prentatn of the photograph as clear evince of the young man’s ternal sir her Instagram live broadst, the women who post the screenshots on Facebook prume a strong and transparent lk between a visual digal artifact and the hidn queer subjectivy of the gay datg app er picts. Regardls of whether the men the imag would intify themselv as gay, bisexual, or queer, the imag functn as unqutnable evince of the men’s homosexualy sce they origate om a platform that is signed explicly to facilate male same-sex fact that Talouni and the women engage wh imag and text shared on gay datg apps as transparent ditors of same-sex sire and therefore queer subjectivy is not surprisg, sce this is an iology built to the sign of the apps themselv.

GAY MOROCNS OUTED THE MIDST OF RONAVIS LOCKDOWN

Gay datg apps like Grdr and PlaRomeo are signed to operate as technologi through which the exprsn of male same-sex sire is transformed to visible queer subjectivy, a media iology that Talouni and her followers weaponize orr to expose same-sex sirg men their lol muni. Grdr promot self as “the largt social workg app for gay, bi, trans, and queer people” (Grdr, 2021) while PlaRomeo scrib self as “an open-md and iendly home for every gay, bi, and trans person” (PlaRomeo, 2021). To exprs male same-sex sire through the apps is th ma to reprent an externalizatn of an endurg ternal sexual inty, foreclosg alternative possibili for men like Talouni’s terviewee who rist tegorizg themselv as gay, bisexual, or digal media rearcher John Cheney-Lippold wr, there is a gap between how inty functns virtual spac like Grdr and how ter ers unrstand their own sense of self (2017: 179).

The actns enuraged queer men to be very reful about what rmatn they shared on gay apps, to be skeptil of other ers, and, if possible, to temporarily spend g the apps until fake acunts uld be intified and removed.

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Another wave of rpons appealed to Instagram, Facebook, and Grdr as queer-iendly rporatns and ernance stctur, seekg a greater gree of ntent moratn and terventn on the part of the platforms to spend Talouni’s acunt, close down the harassg women’s Facebook groups, and alert Grdr ers about the ongog outg the first rpons to the outg mpaign were posts om Morocn social media ers seekg to spread awarens of the ongog events among gay datg app ers Moroc. On April 14, a day after Talouni’s broadst, Associatn Akaliyat released an emergency alert on Facebook, enuragg gay men Moroc not to share any photos on gay apps, to lete their app acunts, and to warn their iends to do the same.

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This illtratn ptur a sense of fear and victimizatn that many gay Morocns experienced as a rult of the outg mpaign, as if they were beg hunted and stng up by angry mobs takg photos of them and huiatg them public. Social media ers work to facilate the circulatn of rmatn both wh Moroc—promptg dividual ers of gay datg apps to take specific steps to migate their personal risks—and outsi Moroc—vokg the polil and enomic power of thoands of queer dividuals om around the world to put prsure on Facebook, Instagram, Grdr, and other powerful global stutns to take actn agast Talouni and her Eli, a New York-based activist and wrer, was among the first major ternatnal figur to beg sharg rmatn about the outg mpaign Moroc. Eli is the founr of Voic4, a global queer activist anizatn that played an important role first publicizg rmatn about the “gay ncentratn mps” set up Chechnya 2017 (Weiss, 2017).

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