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Dpe gay whe men’s sistence that sexual excln was not racism but rather personal preference, and that the personal preferenc have nothg to do wh racism, Collanr and his lleagu (2015) found that attus toward sexual excln were related to almost every intified factor associated wh racist attus general.

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Th, sexual racism should be unrstood not as personal preference, but as “problematic ndns that stcture the very formatn of romantic relatnships” that is neher benign nor trivial (Bedi 2015: 998) the ia of sexual racism has been wily discsed the popular prs, and amic studi have also documented the racial hierarchy of sire the gay muny, there have been fewer attempts to systematilly exame how such racialized hierarchi of sire are unrstood by gay men of lor and, more importantly, the impact the racial hierarchi have on them. Wh any sexual field, some dividual e to be seen as more sirable than other dividuals pendg on the tras that they posss that are valued by the specific sexual field which they discsg gay sexual fields, Green (2008; 2011) intifi a number of potential tras that fluence the level of sirabily that any given dividual might posss.

In fact, sire for whens has been noted by a number of scholars examg race and racism the gay muny (Callanr, Holt and Newman 2016; Han 2007; Robson 2015; McBri 2005; Tnis 2007) other characteristics intified by Green, such as clothg or mculary, whens is a central anizg prciple the gay muny (Bébé 2001; Han 2007). In promotg equaly through the normalizatn of (homo)sexualy at the expense of “non-gay” issu, gay anizatns such as The Human Rights Campaign promote a monolhic image of the “gay muny, ” as beg rich, nservative, and whe (Bébé 2001; Phelan 2001; Seidman 2002; Walters 2014). As Peter Jackson (2000: 184) not:When sirabily is lked wh race, and when certa rac are ascribed greater erotic tert than others, then to be a member of an “unsexy” ethnic group is to be equated wh an ferr form of importantly, unlike other markers of sirabily among gay men that Green discs, such as amount of body hair, mculary, cloth, etc., race is an entirely ascribed stat, not an achieved one.

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I ed to have a 10-foot area around me and people would avoid me, I uldn’t believe while mculary may be the sired tra a “mcle bar, ” the lived realy for gay men of lor is that their attempts to velop or acquire the currency of sire wh those specific gay spac, or sexual fields, is negated by their race.

More importantly, when gay men of lor are sexually preferred by gay whe men, they are preferred not as dividuals but bee they fulfill racial stereotyp regardg sexual behavrs (Wilson, valera, Ventuneac, Balan, Rowe and Carballo-Dieguez 2009). While still utilized by a number of ntemporary scholars to exame racialized sexual stereotyp of black men and women (Buggs 2017; Stevenson 1994; Yancey 2002), the ncept of sexual racism has been particularly eful examg sexual excln of gay men of lor as potential sexual partners, as well as for examg the sexual objectifitn of gay men of lor, by gay whe men. Some mentators and gay media outlets have argued that sexual sir for one race, and/or sexual excln of another race, is not racism but personal preference, while others have argued that excludg an entire race of people as potential sexual partners is, ed, a racist act.

For example, several mentators have observed that gay whe men, and to a lser gree gay men of lor, practice sexual racism on gay datg apps such as Grdr and on onle datg s (Callanr, Holt and Newman 2015; McDa 2005; Pl, Ayala and Choi 2010; Robson 2015; Smh 2017).

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Th rather than a way of simply listg their preference for whe men, onle s for seekg sexual partners have lved to venu for gay whe men to volize their racist sexual racism is more than simply excludg members of a racial group as potential sexual partners or objectifyg them as sexual others even when they are sired.

While this n volve physil segregatn of gay men of lor and gay whe men to different social lotns, stctural sexual racism also clus margally tegrated “mixed bars, ” where gay men of lor and gay whe men occupy different areas of the tablishment. While some are overt such as statements such as “no fats, no femm, no Asians, ” on onle datg apps, teractnal sexual racism also clus more subtle actns such as bars changg mic or enforcg drs s to lim the number of men of lor or gay whe men “warng” other whe men to avoid certa clubs based on the race of the clientele. For example, a recent study by Rafalow, Feliciano, and Robt (2017), the thors fd that gay men of lor, as well as lbians of lor, are much more likely to exclu members of their own race as potential sexual partners than gay whe men or whe lbians.

As the thors’ note, the racialized preferenc seem to be the rult of larger stctur of power and racialized beliefs rather than personal addn, sexual racism is also implited the creatn and matenance of gay sexual fields as “whe spac, ” further margalizg gay men of lor. For example, as Ompo (2012) found his ethnographic study of gay Lato men, “gay” spac, as well as the athetics of those spac that make up a sexual field, is perceived by gay Lato men to be an unwelg environment for non-whe gay men. Given the fdgs, applyg a sexual racism lens to the sexual fields approach provis wh an opportuny to explore the ways that sexual fields are actively created and mataed by members of a domant group orr to create hierarchi of sexual AND METHODSData for this study me om 35 terviews nducted between December 2005 and Augt 2006 wh gay men of lor durg the ial velopment phase of the Ethnic Mory Men’s Study.

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