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kbAoLA article-body__ntent"><div class="ActnBarWrapperContent-lasBkU cAHp"><div class="ActnBarWrapperComponent-cjwxLS bEeSLb"><div data-attr-viewport-monor="" class="ActnBarWrapper-dhxmQh kNjTbQ viewport-monor-anchor"><button id="bookmark" aria-label="Save this story" class="ActnBarButton-dyFOZU hQrwCF bookmark large-screen"><span class="ActnBarSendaryButtonPrimaryIn-isbvyN cAwccV bookmark-button-in"><svg class="in in-bookmark" width="24" height="24" viewBox="0 0 24 24" fill="none" xmlns="><tle>Save this story</tle><path class="in-bookmark-fill" d="M20 23.9508L12.5 19.7312L5 23.9508V2.95081H14V3.93211H6V22.1845L12.5 18.5536L19 22.1845V8.83866H20V23.9508Z"></path><path class="in-bookmark-fill" d="M23 3H20V0H19V3H16V4H19V7H20V4H23V3Z"></path></svg></span><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ ActnBarButtonText-bYXYuh iUEiRd bkefvo gkccfO">Save this story</span></button></div><div data-attr-viewport-monor="" class="ActnBarWrapper-dhxmQh kAEsuD viewport-monor-anchor"><button 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class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg">For much of the twentieth century, Washgton was a Democratic town. Prints me and went, but on Capol Hill, which is where the tax dollars get spent, liberals and morat domated the key mte and set the legislative agenda. Washgton’s permanent tablishment—the law firms, the lobbyists, the rearch stut, the media—was also heavily Democratic. Even when Republins took over, they tend to be nsens builrs, like Howard Baker and Bob Dole, who rarely challenged the lg ethos. Especially after Senator Barry Goldwater, of Arizona, ma his disastro bid for the Princy, 1964, nservative Republins were regard as oddballs. In 1974, when the Amerin Conservative Unn anized s first annual Conservative Polil Actn Conference, or <em class="small">cpac</em>, was able to mter jt three -sponsors: an anizatn lled Young Amerins for Freedom and the magaz <em>Natnal Review</em> and <em>Human Events</em>. “The movement was so small that I liken to when Marx and Len were exile,” David Keene, the print of the Amerin Conservative Unn, said to me recently.</p><p class="paywall">Gradually, the polil climate changed. An important moment me 1979, when Ronald Reagan embraced the relig right, somethg that Goldwater had always cled to do—social nservativ like Jerry Falwell served “a swift kick the ass,” he once mented. Sce then, nservativ have taken ntrol of much of the feral ernment, and they have also created their own rearch stut, lobbyg firms, workg anizatns, and media outlets. This year’s <em class="small">cpac</em>, at which Vice-Print Dick Cheney was one of the speakers, had more than nety -sponsors.</p><p class="paywall">Grover G. Norquist, a former young Reagane whom Newt Ggrich, the Hoe Speaker om 1995 to 1998, scribed to me as “the sgle most effective nservative activist the untry,” has helped brg about this transformatn. For all s succs, the right is an often act alliance of evangelil Christians, laissez-faire liberals, neonservativ, rporate nservativ, and many other sects and sub-sects. Norquist plays a key role keepg the aln together, actg, by turns, as rglear, visnary, and enforcer. “It’s very unual to have a lear the nservative movement who n une everybody,” Charl Black, a veteran Republin strategist, says. “Grover’s got a way of nvcg people that they are important and that what they are dog is signifint.” Norquist has some crics on the right—the pund Tucker Carlson once lled him “a mean-spired, humorls, dishont ltle creep”—but his abily to marshal disparate groups has earned him accs to the hight levels of power. “There’s nobody like Grover,” Ralph Z. Hallow, a polil reporter for the Washgton <em>Tim</em>, says. “He’s close to the Whe Hoe. That means Karl”—the Printial adviser Karl Rove. “He’s well liked on the Hill. And he’s also tsted by the movement.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist has never held an elected office, but, sce takg over the advocy group Amerins for Tax Reform, 1985, he has persuad untls Republin policians to signg a pledge not to raise tax unr any circumstanc, among them two hundred and twenty-two ngrsmen and forty-six senators. Norquist’s advocy extends to other nservative goals, such as ee tra and reform of the labor laws. Last summer, when I met wh him for the first time, he said that his ultimate aim is to halve the size of the ernment relative to the size of the enomy and to undo several s of liberal policy, and, he add, “’s doable.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist, at forty-eight, is squat, beard, and bpectacled. He has pale-blue ey and reddish-brown hair that li flat on his square head. Contrary to Carlson’s opn, he do posss a sense of humor, but don’t tract om his monomanial passn for polics. As we talked his cluttered office, near the rner of Twentieth and L Streets, downtown Washgton, he paced back and forth, openg and closg his briefse, rearrangg books on his shelv, movg pens and papers around on his sk, and, fally, bendg down to pick up bs of dt. As long as Gee W. Bh was the Whe Hoe and the Republins ntrolled Congrs, he assured me, every year would brg a new tax cut and further nservative legislatn. “That is how the Democrats built the New Deal and the Great Society,” Norquist said. “Every year more spendg, every year more programs.”</p><p class="paywall">Last November, when Print Bh was reëlected and the Republins regaed ntrol of the Senate, Norquist’s predictn of an emergg nservative hegemony seemed accurate. There appeared to be ltle to prevent the Print om transformg Social Secury, openg up the Arctic Natnal Wildlife Refuge for drillg, and makg permanent the tax cuts he troduced his first term. In recent months, however, somethg surprisg has happened: the fotten center of Amerin polics has reasserted self. Dozens of Republin ngrsmen have fied the Print to support the expansn of embryonic-stem-cell rearch; seven Republin senators have joed wh seven Democrats to prerve the judicial filibter; the Print’s proposals for Social Secury have faltered as the Democrats have seized on the issue; and the Whe Hoe and social nservativ squabbled, to beg wh, anyway, over who should replace Sandra Day O’Connor on the Supreme Court.</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-1 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">Norquist, too, has suffered some revers. On Capol Hill, his enomic agenda has been stalled, and many parts of the untry Republin ernors and legislators have ignored his dictat and raised tax. What’s more, he has been dragged to the rptn sndal surroundg Tom DeLay, the Majory Lear of the Hoe of Reprentativ, and Jack Abramoff, the disgraced Republin lobbyist who paid the airfare for DeLay’s now notor golfg trip to Stland September, 2000. Norquist is an old iend and polil ally of Abramoff’s, and they have worked together on a number of polil issu. Democrats have seized on their nnectn to try and discred Norquist. “Ten years ago, Grover Norquist and Jack Abramoff set out to change the Republin Party,” Karen Fney, the munitns director of the Democratic Natnal Commtee, said to me last week. “Their algs this town are reprentative of a culture of rptn and abe of power.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">On Wednday morngs, Norquist hosts an off-the-rerd gatherg of nservative activists that has evolved to a wi-rangg fom for members of Congrs, Capol Hill staffers, sgle-issue mpaigners, journalists, policy wonks, and rporate lobbyists. Karl Rove shows up every few months, and other Admistratn officials attend on a regular basis. The “Wednday meetg,” as is known, has bee so popular that Norquist’s iend John Fund, a lumnist at the <em>Wall Street Journal</em>, has christened him the Grand Central Statn of nservatism.</p><p class="paywall">The meetg starts at ten o’clock sharp and fish sometime between eleven-thirty and twelve, pendg on the agenda. Norquist ss at a big oval woon table wh about twenty regulars. The rt of the crowd gathers along the sis of the room, where there is seatg for about a hundred. Often, people have to stand. One day this sprg, Norquist opened the meetg by talkg about his ongog fight to persua Mch Daniels, a former Whe Hoe budget director who is now the ernor of Indiana, not to raise tax. “Our ar iend Mch Daniels had his bra temporarily kidnapped by North Koreans, but we are now wng the battle,” Norquist said. “Fortunately, Mch has reversed his policy, adopted our posn, and proclaimed as his own.”</p><div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--article-mid-ntent" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--article-mid-ntent nsumer-marketg-un__slot---ntent"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><p class="paywall">Norquist lov to claim. He refers to Democrats as “the enemy”; he has scribed bipartisanship as “date rape”; and he lik to talk about rcg the feral ernment so much that he uld “drown the bathtub.” For policymakers like Rove, he provis an valuable lk to the Republin Party’s nservative base, which is often spic of elected policians and officeholrs. For the activists who nstute that base, Norquist b accs to power wh the ra of an outsir. “Grover me to Washgton believg and workg for certa thgs, and, spe of lur and blandishments om all sorts of people, he has stuck wh what he believ,” Peggy Noonan, a former Whe Hoe speechwrer, who has known Norquist for more than twenty years, wrote to me a recent e-mail. “Others me to D.C. and beme -opted, subtly and fortably, by the big murky muddle, which n offer so much: sirism, big Admistratn jobs, celebratn as a morate by the MSM”—mastream media. “None of that seemed to tempt Grover.”</p><div class="Contaer-bkChBi byNLHx"></div><p class="paywall">The first gut speaker was Tim Goegle, a th, bow-tied Whe Hoe official, who talked about the ongog standoff on Capol Hill, where Senate Democrats were blockg the approval of some Republin nome, cludg half a dozen nservative judg and John Bolton, the ambassador-signate to the Uned Natns. Outraged Republins were threateng to exercise the so-lled “nuclear optn” of abolishg the filibter, which allows a mory of senators to fy the majory. Durg last year’s electn, the Bh Admistratn timated that tend to remake the Supreme Court a nservative image if, as was expected, Chief Jtice Rehnquist and at least one other jtice stepped down. Social nservativ, particular, viewed the filibter battle as the precursor to this long-awaed takeover of the high urt, and Goegle didn’t do anythg to dampen their hop. One way or another, Bolton and the judg would be approved, he said. And he add, “This may be the most succsful judicial-aln effort morn Republin history. And is largely bee of people this room, so thanks.”</p><p class="paywall">Although Norquist’s own policy terts are primarily enomic, he knows that social issu are the prcipal battleground for many nservativ, and he mak sure to ve reprentativ both om relig anizatns like Foc on the Fay and the Eagle Fom and om non-sectarian groups terted social issu, such as the Feralist Society, an anizatn of nservative lawyers that works closely wh the Whe Hoe on judicial nomatns. Norquist micromanag every aspect of the meetg, down to the type of ffee served. To keep thgs movg, he rtricts each prenter to a uple of mut. A member of his staff talked about the attempt to make the aboln of the tate tax permanent. Ed Bryant, a potential Senate ndidate om Tennsee, extolled his nservative crentials, sayg that he had signed Norquist’s tax pledge and mted himself to the judicial battle. A Republin staffer om the Hoe of Reprentativ livered an update on a new Social Secury bill. “Keep an eye open for the V.A.T. guys,” Norquist said, referrg to the value-add tax that many untri impose. “V.A.T. is a French word for big ernment.”</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><asi class="PersistentAsiWrapper-VGrR daRVRt persistent-asi" style="posn:absolute;top:to;height:to" data-ttid="PersistentAsiWrapper"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--rail"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--rail" data-no-id="uimlms"></div></div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--display-rail" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--display-rail"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></asi></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="v7l12c"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">After about an hour, a woman named Stacie Rumenap, om the Amerin Conservative Unn, began to talk excedly about an upg tribute dner for Tom DeLay. Dpe accatns that he put fay members on his payroll and took overseas trips paid for, part, by Abramoff, DeLay remas a hero to many nservativ. “We are at pacy—more than ne hundred people have bought tickets,” Rumenap said. “The receptn starts at six o’clock, and the dner will start at seven. We are expectg some protters, but the D.C. police will be prepared to al wh them.” Another woman add, “It will be the ual eaks, so ignore them. The Democrats are disarray. We are wng. We are gog to get a vote on Bolton. We are gog to get the judg. So jt ignore them and enjoy yourselv.”</p><p class="paywall">After the meetg, Norquist walked to the Palm, a steakhoe on Neteenth Street, where he strategized about the “nuclear optn” wh David MacIntosh, a former Republin ngrsman om Indiana, who helped set up the Feralist Society. Over lunch, Norquist argued that the Republins uld end up beneftg even if the effort to end the filibter failed ially. “Say we lose by forty-ne to fifty-one bee morat like Voovich and Snowe”—Gee Voovich, of Oh, and Olympia Snowe, of Mae—“oppose ,” he said. “Then we try to appot a nservative judge to the Supreme Court, and the Democrats beat up on for five months and piss off the public. Then we uld go back and ask for another vote on the filibter.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Norquist grew up Wton, Massachetts, a suburb of Boston. His father, Warren, was a senr executive at Polaroid, a Methodist, and a morate Republin. Grover says that he himself beme terted nservative polics when, at the age of thirteen, he picked up two anti-Communist books om his lol library: “Masters of Dece,” by J. Edgar Hoover, and “Wns,” by Whtaker Chambers. In those days, he wasn’t thkg of gog to polics. After readg the tobgraphi of Thomas Dewey and Lewis E. Law, a warn at Sg Sg, he wanted to bee a prosecutor.</p><p class="paywall">Norquist entered Harvard 1974. He was basilly a libertarian then, his classmate John Brady, who is now a succsful bsman, told me. Brady met Norquist at a gatherg of the College Republins, whose natnal chairman at the time was Karl Rove, but he rells that Norquist was more terted journalism than stunt polics. After workg at the <em>Advote</em> and at the <em>Crimson</em>, Norquist beme volved wh the <em>Harvard Chronicle</em>, the -hoe journal of the Harvard Libertarian Associatn.</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-2 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">In 1978, after graduatg wh a major enomics, Norquist moved to Washgton and went to work for the Natnal Taxpayers Unn, where his energy and his meticulons got him rapidly promoted to executive director. After a year, he returned to Cambridge, at the beht of his father, to attend Harvard Bs School. By then, though, he had cid to pursue a reer polics. While workg on Ronald Reagan’s Printial mpaign, he met Jack Abramoff, a stunt at Branis. The unlikely pair—a Wasp libertarian and a Jewish Reagane—beme close iends. In early 1981, Norquist, g his dorm room as an office, ran Abramoff’s bid to bee chairman of the College Republins. Abramoff was elected, and he appoted Norquist executive director, which gave him the opportuny to return to Washgton.</p><p class="paywall">He never left. After six months wh Abramoff, he took a job directg Amerins for the Reagan Agenda, an advocy group that the Whe Hoe had set up. The Democrats uld still exert nsirable fluence on the Hill, and even some Republins were eply spic of Reagan’s tax-cuttg program. Young radils like Norquist were regard as “crazi” and “revolutnari,” part bee of their backg for anti-Communist groups abroad. Norquist went to Pakistan to exprs his support for the Afghan mujahien, to Mozambique, and to Angola, where he grew a beard and spent time wh the guerrilla group <em class="small">una</em>, although he didn’t see much actn.</p><p class="paywall">In 1985, Donald Regan, Reagan’s chief of staff, chose Norquist to head Amerins for Tax Reform, another advocy group that the Admistratn was settg up, this time to lobby for a radil overhl of the tax . Norquist was only twenty-ne, and he quickly learned that generatg public support for any sort of major change is difficult. “I disvered there was no public tert fundamental tax reform,” he said. “We offered to pay for the public to send telegrams to ngrsmen mandg reform, but almost nobody sent one. People wouldn’t even send a ee letter.”</p><p class="paywall">Dpe this disuragg start, Congrs passed the Tax Reform Act of 1986, which rced the top e-tax rate om fifty per cent to twenty-eight per cent. Still, the Reagan feared that Congrs would allow tax rat to creep back up, and Norquist got the ia of persuadg members of the Hoe and Senate to sign a pledge never to raise tax. He wrote the pledge himself, simple clarative sentenc:</p><p class="paywall">I, ___<em><em>_\</em>_, pledge to the taxpayers of the _____\</em>_district of the State of ___<strong>_</strong> and to the Amerin People that I will:</p><p class="paywall">ONE, oppose any and all efforts to crease the margal e tax rat for dividuals and/or bs; and</p><p class="paywall">TWO, oppose any rctn or elimatn of ductns and creds, unls matched dollar for dollar by further rcg tax rat.</p><p class="paywall">Signed _<strong>_</strong>________</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-3 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">In a polil system that was nstcted on the Burkean notn that elected officials are liberators rather than mere legat, Norquist’s pledge didn’t please everybody, but s impact has been persistent and dramatic. “Policians always promise people everythg,” David Keene said. “By sayg, ‘O.K., sign this,’ giv a gree of acuntabily.”</p><p class="paywall">Print Gee H. W. Bh, who had signed Norquist’s pledge durg the 1988 electn mpaign, paid a high price the 1992 electn for breakg his promise, much to Norquist’s light. “Had Bh been able to w 1992, would have ma the pledge meangls,” Norquist says. “Bh had a pretty good Princy. He end the Cold War peacefully. He kicked Saddam Hse out of Kuwa. But he broke his mment to the Amerin people. Then he gets thrown out of office by a bum—a nobody om Arkansas. The msage was: You n’t break the pledge.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Norquist’s theory of Amerin polics is disarmgly simple: liberals want somethg om the ernment; nservativ want the ernment to leave them alone. Durg the Roosevelt-Kennedy-Johnson era, he says, the Democratic Party prospered bee livered thgs s nstuents mand: stronger labor laws for unn members; retirement benefs for senrs; and affirmative-actn programs for mori. The reason the Republins have replaced the Democrats as the lg party is that they ter to popular distaste for the feral ernment.</p><p class="paywall">“The guy who wants to be left alone to practice his fah, the guy who wants to make money, the guy who wants to spend money whout payg tax, the guy who wants to fondle his gun—they all have a lot mon,” Norquist said one day this sprg a taxi gog om Gee Bh Internatnal Airport, Hoton, to the Gee R. Brown Conventn Center, where the Natnal Rifle Associatn was holdg s annual nventn. “They all want the ernment to go away. That is what holds together the nservative movement.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist regards gun owners as a ccial element of his “leave alone” aln, and sce 2000 he has been a director of the N.R.A. Attendg the board meetg that was schled to take place after the nventn was so important to him that he had layed his honeymoon. At the start of April, he married Samah Alreyy, a thirty-two-year-old public-affairs officer at the Uned Stat Agency for Internatnal Development. But, rather than part for London, Paris, and the Seychell immediately, he and his new wife chose to wa a uple of weeks.</p><p class="paywall">Norquist got to Hoton on a Sunday afternoon. Durg the first three days of the nventn, more than sixty thoand people had attend a variety of parti and panel ssns, cludg one voted to “God, Guns and Rock ’n’ Roll,” which was hosted by Ted Nugent. “To show you how radil I am, I want rjackers ad,” the agg rocker roared at the crowd between songs. “I want rapists ad. I want burglars ad. I want child molters ad. No urt se. No parole. No early release. I want ’em ad. Get a gun, and when they attack you shoot ’em.”</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="ugnroi"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">“Did you see Ted Nugent?” Wayne La Pierre, the N.R.A.’s chief executive, asked Norquist when he greeted him at a receptn for board members. “It’s amazg—he really n play the guar.” Norquist said that he had jt arrived. “But I saw him play wh Lynyrd Skynyrd last year,” he add. “He was great.”</p><p class="paywall">A ltle later, a tough-lookg man wearg a bootlace tie tapped Norquist on the shoulr and said, a heavy Long Island accent, “Grover, when are you gog to get together and break Gee Pataki’s arm?” The speaker was John L. Chman, a former mare om Patchogue, Suffolk County, who had been mpaigng Albany to relax New York’s tough gun laws.</p><p class="paywall">Norquist turned to Chman and said, “Why, what’s up?”</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-4 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">“I fally got a bill through both ho, and Pataki vetoed ,” Chman replied, wh a sneer. “He said, ‘Oh, no, that’s an N.R.A. bill,’ and he vetoed .”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist looked surprised. He has a good relatnship wh Governor Pataki, who is nsirg a bid for the Whe Hoe 2008. A few days earlier, Pataki had lled to reassure him that he had jt cut some tax. “Send me the particulars of the gun bill,” Norquist said to Chman. “And I’ll get to him.”</p><p class="paywall">As part of his dream of creatg a natnwi work of mted nservativ, Norquist has helped set up regular meetgs of activists more than forty stat, cludg all the big on. The followg day, at the board meetg, he distributed leaflets enuragg gun owners to attend the lol gathergs. Some of the N.R.A. officials seemed dub. After the meetg broke up, Norquist ran to a fellow board member, Edie Reynolds, who mentned that she was spendg the summer Vermont. “We have a good meetg up there, and you n go to ,” Norquist terjected. “O.K.,” Reynolds replied. “But I might fd a b difficult to get away. I’ll be teachg young girls to shoot.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist didn’t seem disuraged. On the way back to Washgton, he talked about how to build a broad aln. “If you want the vot of people who are good on guns, good on tax, and good on fah issu, that is a very small tersectn of voters,” he said. “But if you say, Give me the vot of anybody who agre wh you on any of the issu, that’s a much bigger sectn of the populatn.” To illtrate what he meant, Norquist drew three tersectg circl on a piece of paper. In the first one he wrote “guns,” the send he wrote “tax,” the third he wrote “fah.” There was a small area where the three circl tersected. “Wh that group, you n take over the untry, if you start wh the airports and the rad statns,” he said. “But wh all of the three circl that’s sixty per cent of the populatn, and you n w polilly. And if you add more thgs, like property rights and home-schoolg, you n do even better.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">In 1993, wh Bill Clton the Whe Hoe, Newt Ggrich, a ngrsman om Geia, was promotg himself as a nservative revolutnary. Ggrich had ma his reputatn attackg Jim Wright, the Democratic Speaker of the Hoe, for ethil laps, but his dictment of the Washgton polil system extend to his own party’s morate learship. For more than a , he had been meetg wh a group of like-md activists, Norquist clud, every week on Capol Hill, and expoundg on the qutn Len posed: What is to be done? “It was the polil equivalent of love at first sight,” Norquist relled of those early days. “Newt walked to the room, and he wanted to do what I wanted to do. He wanted to build a movement to take over the Hoe and the Senate, and he didn’t nsir this nutty talk.”</p><p class="paywall">Some mentators ially regard Ggrich as a crank, but his ia of wrg down a seri of re objectiv, such as term lims and welfare reform, a “Contract wh Ameri,” proved popular wh nservativ and voters. Norquist beme an enthiastic proponent of the ntract, which he regard as a logil extensn of his tax pledge. On the night of the 1994 midterm electns, he flew to Atlanta, where he joed Ggrich’s victory party as ex polls showed that the Geia ngrsman was set to succeed Tom Foley as Speaker of the Hoe. After most of the revellers had gone home, Ggrich, Norquist, and about twenty others sat around and ate ice cream as they discsed their grand signs. “It wasn’t phoric— was strangely lm,” Norquist relled. “It was, like, ‘We thought we uld do this and we did . What should we do next?’ ”</p><p class="paywall">The standard history of the subsequent two years is that Ggrich over-reached and end up settg back the nservative e. Norquist has a different terpretatn. Although Ggrich was ultimately forced to rign as Speaker, 1998, his reforms achieved a great al, Norquist sists, pecially the troductn of six-year term lims for mtee chairs the Hoe. “It was the equivalent of what Louis XVI did to the barons,” Norquist said. “It ntered people who ed to have power. You n’t n a herent and unified movement wh thirteen pennt power bas.” Once term lims were troduced, right-wg Republins were able to banish the remag morat and take over. “The natnal power base for a erng nservative aln this untry is the Hoe,” Norquist said. “You n ern om the Hoe.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Although he is bt known for his activi Washgton, Norquist spends about half of his time on lol polics. Many stat and ci are facg budget fics, which, by law, have to be elimated. Norquist ref to accept this as a jtifitn for tax hik. The day after he returned om Texas, he met wh some of his staff and discsed what was happeng around the untry. First, though, he alt wh a hoekeepg matter, askg his receptnist, Kelsey Zahourek, how many cups of ffee had been dnk at the prev week’s Wednday meetg.</p><p class="paywall">“Eighty-three cups of ffee were nsumed last week,” Zahourek replied.</p><p class="paywall">“Are people takg notice of what I said about the size of the cups?” Norquist said.</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-5 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">“Y,” Zahourek replied.</p><p class="paywall">Another member of Norquist’s staff, Stt LaGanga, filled him on recent velopments Montana, Indiana, and North Carola. Norquist said that the biggt challenge was Virgia, where neteen Republin legislators who supported a tax crease are up for reëlectn this fall, and where he is tryg to feat some of them the Republin primary. “We only need to w one or two rac to send a msage,” he said. “People say we need to w all of them, but that’s not right.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist don’t hate to attack fellow-Republins. “When you have a brand like Co-Cola, and you fd a rat head the bottle, you create an outcry,” he told me. “Republins who raise tax are rat heads Coke bottl. They endanger the brand.” Another place on Norquist’s md was Colorado, where Bill Owens, the Republin ernor, was tryg to relax lims on state spendg. “He was a guy we tsted,” Norquist said. “The bad news is he’s gettg a lot of rporate p to support him.”</p><p class="paywall">After the meetg end, Norquist returned a ll om a reporter at the <em>Christian Science Monor</em> and l to Owens and several Republin tax-raisers, cludg Mch Daniels, the ernor of Indiana, and Bob Riley, the ernor of Alabama, makg clear that they would suffer for their apostasy. “The next Republin Printial ndidate will be a Republin ernor who did not raise tax,” Norquist said. “People who raise tax—their aspiratns for higher office have been stroyed. Mch Daniels will never be anybody’s Vice-Print. Bob Riley will never be Print. Bill Owens, who I nsired a Printial ntenr, he will never be Print. He sl his own throat.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Another lol polician who curred Norquist’s wrath was Governor Gee W. Bh, of Texas, when, 1997, he proposed new sal tax and fe to make up some of the revenue that would be lost unr his plan to cut property tax. Amerins for Tax Reform lnched rad ads Texas attackg the Bh proposal. Acrdg to Norquist, Karl Rove was fur, and he acced him of distortn a phone ll. Eventually, they settled their differenc: the state legislature forced Bh to elimate the new tax om his plan, and Norquist endorsed . In 1998, when Bh was thkg about nng for the Whe Hoe as a tax-cuttg nservative, Rove ved Norquist to At. “Karl has never said to me,” Norquist relled, “but I assumed that he was terted me bee I was one of the few people who uld stand up and say to the movement, ‘This guy is not a real Bh. He’s adopted. He’s no relatn to that jerk who raised your tax 1990.’ ”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist and Rove started munitg by fax. Norquist would send a list of ias to Rove, who would mark the on he agreed wh and send back. In addn to their mutual tert gettg Bh elected, they shared an obssn wh polil mographics, how factors such as immigratn, the rise of stock ownership, and the velopment of exurb muni were affectg polil affiliatns.</p><p class="paywall">Durg Bh’s first term, Norquist champned the Print’s tax cuts, dismissg suggtns that they would crease the budget fic and favor the rich. Before last year’s electn, Amerins for Tax Reform gave a natnwi list of nservative activists to the Bh-Cheney headquarters and acted as an unofficial branch of the mpaign. Today, Norquist and Rove munite by e-mail, and Norquist also speaks regularly wh Sara Taylor, the Whe Hoe’s polil director. “People like to say, ‘Oh, Grover and Rove, they are old llege pals. They were the College Republins together,’ ’’ Norquist said. “Y, but that’s not the reason we work together. We work together bee we have the same polil aims. We are tryg to do the same thgs. If Karl Rove left the Whe Hoe tomorrow, I am sure I would have a good relatnship wh whoever succeed him, bee I am head of the anti-tax movement. If I were n over by a b, my succsor would have a good relatnship wh the Whe Hoe. It is about more than personali.”</p><p class="paywall">Recently, however, Norquist has differed wh the Admistratn, particularly over Bh’s cisn to make Social Secury reform his ma domtic prry. Norquist supports the privatizatn plan, but he thks that the Whe Hoe blunred polilly believg that uld get legislatn passed this year, and floatg several promise ias, cludg signifint cuts future benefs. “The Print has put a false step forward allowg a discsn of future benef rctns,” Norquist said to me May. “He went away om the succsful strategy of 2000, 2002, and 2004, which was: ‘I will never cut your benefs. I will never raise your tax. I will make your children rich.’ That was a wng strategy. Right now, you have a Print who said he wouldn’t negotiate wh himself but who’s by negotiatg wh himself.”</p><p class="paywall">In meetgs wh Bh’s advisers, Norquist has registered his objectns. “My argument to them is this,” he said. “What vot did you get the Senate for personal acunts by makg that ncsn on benefs? None.” Norquist rarely criciz the Whe Hoe publicly, and he quickly poted out that the Bh Admistratn was makg progrs other areas he r about, such as ary-base closur, tort reform, and petive procurement of ernment servic. However, he didn’t hi the fact that he was markedly ls optimistic than he had been November. “Between now and 2006, judg and Social Secury swallow everythg,” he said. “We are lookg at six to eighteen months of plete gridlock. And if the Republins don’t do as well as we hope 2006 we are lookg at three years of .”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">The gala dner for Tom DeLay was held at the Capal Hilton. Norquist had bought five tabl, at a total st of ten thoand dollars, but he was attendg only the cktail hour, which had prompted ments that he was distancg himself om DeLay. Before settg out for the dner, he sisted to me that he wasn’t, and that, any se, reporters had misterpreted his relatnship wh the Texan. “He and I don’t work together,” Norquist said. “I thk ’s bee he thks I’m a Ggrich guy, and he and Newt aren’t close. We don’t munite. O.K.?” Norquist psed and lowered his voice. “Md you,” he went on, “ all good nspiraci there is not necsarily any overt munitn. A properly n movement operat the way the U.S. Navy munit wh s submar. It bangs the rock re of the earth. The vibratns go all around, but only the guys our subs know what they mean.”</p><p class="paywall">Personally, DeLay and Norquist have ltle mon. DeLay is a vout evangelil Christian who once ran an extermatg pany. Norquist, though he tri to hi , is a smopolan Ivy League tellectual. Still, Norquist thks that DeLay has been unjtly cricized. “I say to reporters, ‘Can you give me the one-sentence scriptn of what DeLay did wrong?’ Jim Wright took sh om the Teamsters wh phony book sal. Rostenkowski”—the Democratic chairman of the Hoe Ways and Means Commtee the neteen-eighti and early neti—“took sh return for phony stamp sal. The thgs are wrong. They are clear. What is that DeLay did? They n stick DeLay and my old iend Jack Abramoff the same sentence, or the same paragraph, but what is the pot? O.K., DeLay go on a lot of trips. But is not crimal or dishont.”</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-6 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">A few dozen protters were enmped across the street om the Hilton. One had brought along a loudspeaker and a fairground tt-your-strength mache. “Step right up and w a ee trip paid for by lobbyists,” he bellowed, offerg a big hammer to passersby. Norquist arrived wh his new wife, Samah, who is tall and slim, wh green ey and long hair. Norquist was a bachelor for many years. Most of his iends gave up on his ever gettg married; some of his enemi suggted that he was gay. But 2001 he met Samah, a Paltian Mlim who was born Kuwa and moved to the Uned Stat at the age of seventeen. The weddg was held at the Lansdowne rort, near Dull airport. About two hundred people, among them Newt Ggrich and a belly dancer, attend. “I never thought I’d see Grover on the dance floor,” Fred Smh, the head of the Competive Enterprise Instute, a right-wg thk tank, told me. Peggy Noonan, who was also a gut, sent me this acunt by e-mail: “It was distctively Grover that was a big jumble—a Christian man marryg a Mlim woman a ceremony officiated by a rabbi a hotel the Virgia untrysi. . . . Warm, affectnate, unpretent. Later I thought that was like a faial versn of the Wednday group.”</p><p class="paywall">Sce the weddg, Samah has been reratg the town hoe on Capol Hill where Norquist has lived for four years, and gettg rid of some of his junk. She told me that she had already packed away most of his old polil posters, and jettisoned his llectns of salt and pepper holrs and rolls of toilet paper. Toilet paper? “Y,” Norquist terjected. “They were mostly om Eastern Europe—Poland, pecially—and they had a lot of ol wrg on them and stuff.” So far, Norquist add, he had been able to keep his llectns of snow glob and airle sick bags.</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--rail"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--rail" data-no-id="7ifel3"></div></div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--display-rail" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--display-rail"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="9bkn9"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">The cktail party was full of social nservativ. “We try to stop abortns,” the Reverend Louis P. Sheldon, the chairman of the Tradnal Valu Coaln, said to me. “Grover tri to stop the I.R.S. He’s had more succs than we’ve had. Money talks.” After sayg hello to some iends, Norquist slipped out to jo a private dner that he was hostg at his hoe for Michael Oxley, a ngrsman om Oh, who is the chairman of the Fancial Servic Commtee. He missed DeLay, and the greetg to the crowd om Cleta Mchell, a nservative lawyer who helped anize the event: “Wele to the vast right-wg nspiracy.”</p><p class="paywall">When the speech began, Dr. Ed Young, DeLay’s pastor om Hoton, clared, “I’m proud to be a room wh people who make cisns on the basis of Juo-Christian prcipl, and not on the basis of what the latt polls tell them.” Pl Weyrich, the print of the Free Congrs Foundatn, scribed DeLay as a “prayerful, cent person of tegry,” and Jse Helms, speakg on viotape, said, “Tom, hang there. The nservative movement needs you.” DeLay received a standg ovatn. Rather than nontg the charg agast him, he reviewed the first ten years of nservative le, notg that the Republins had cut e tax, banned partial-birth abortns, and ma Ameri safer. Then he poured srn on his accers, sayg, “The once great party of Roosevelt and Kennedy has bee the party of Howard Dean.”</p><p class="paywall">Fally, Tony Perks, the head of the Fay Rearch Council, livered a benedictn. “Heavenly Father,” he said, “we are here tonight to thank you for our lear, Tom DeLay. We thank you for him, and we want to pray for him and Christe”—DeLay’s wife. “We lift them up before you, and we ask that you put a shield around them. Father, we pray, your own word over them, that no weapon formed agast them would prosper. Lord, that every ln tongue would be st down. And we pray, Lord, that they will e out on the other si of this, servants more able your kgdom.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">As Norquist’s “leave alone” aln grows, so do the potential for ternal nflict. Durg Print Bh’s first term, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and their aftermath helped prevent any outright breach. Wh the untry threatened and the enomy trouble, there was ltle appete for disrd. Lately, though, submerged differenc have surfaced, as they were sure to do at some pot, sce the Republin Party now clus ral gun owners and suburban women, Arab doctors and Jewish foreign-policy hawks, big-bs ee trars and Ameri First protectnists.</p><p class="paywall">If there was one cint that ptured the faça of uny was the bipartisan al the Senate to prerve the filibter, which was reached May, wh John McCa, who is likely to n for Print 2008, takg the lead on the Republin si. “What Republin activists see is that a signifint number of our people sold out,” David Keene told me a uple of days afterward. “The ultimate danger pot for the Party is a McCa ndidacy. If he ns and gets nomated, there will be a third-party nservative ndidate, and the Democrats will probably w.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist was disappoted by the Senate al, but he didn’t say much publicly. In tryg to mimize fdg, he ncentrat on areas of agreement, such as tax cuts, tort reform, and bashg the Democrats. He has adopted some posns of the relig right, claimg to be anti-abortn, even though that might seem to ntradict his libertarianism, and skeptil about evolutn. Still, his laissez-faire views on enomics and other issu sometim create tensn.</p><p class="paywall">On immigratn, for example, his ll for a relaxatn of existg laws is opposed by tradnalists like Pl Weyrich and Phyllis Schlafly, the print of the Eagle Fom, who have ltle enthiasm for another flux of Hispanic, Caribbean, and Asian immigrants, let alone Arabs and Ains. “Phyllis is very anti-immigratn and very anti-ee-tra,” Norquist said. “I thk Phyllis’s theory is: Foreigners suck.” Another of Norquist’s is broadstg regulatn. Unr the spic of Amerins for Tax Reform, he has set up a Media Freedom Project, which lobbi agast censorship of the airwav. Earlier this summer, L. Brent Bozell III, the founr of the nservative Media Rearch Center, acced him of dog the biddg of NBC, CBS, and Fox. “Mr. Norquist not only don’t speak for nservativ on this issue,” Bozell wrote his syndited lumn. “He has no ia what nservativ believe.”</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-7 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">It is hard to image that Norquist would enjoy livg a untry n by people like Perks and Bozell, but he is so ught up partisan strategizg that he seldom stops to nsir the qutn. “When some people see the relig right, they see an aggrsive group that is tryg to enact Levic on the rt of the untry,” he said. “What I see is a fensive group that vot agast beg msed wh by other people and the ernment. The relig right is a parents-rights movement. They want the right to raise their kids their own way.”</p><p class="paywall">This analysis would be more nvcg if nservative evangelils uched their se libertarian terms, but they don’t. Instead, they ll for the whole Uned Stat to return to s p Christian roots—statements that Norquist dismiss by argug that the relig lears are sometim more tolerant than their flocks. “The Southern Baptists will be happy Gee Bh’s Ameri wh lower tax and ls regulatn,” he sisted. “And everybody will be able to go to the pornographic theatre as they see f.”</p><p class="paywall">In addn to relig nservativ and gun owners, Norquist reach out to many groups not ually associated wh the Republin Party. In 1998, he -found the Islamic Free Market Instute, and he has been creded wh helpg to get some of Ameri’s six ln Mlims behd Bh the 2000 Printial electn. “When I started out the Party, nobody was dog Japane-Amerin relatns, nobody was dog Indian relatns, and nobody was speakg to Mlims or Orthodox Jews,” he said. Norquist se nservative ethnic and relig muni as natural elements of the Republin aln. “On polics, they are the same,” he sisted. “Theologilly, they are not. Each one don’t thk the other is gog to Heaven. But what do they want? They want the ernment to leave them alone, to let them te their kids, and to not make fun of their fah. All of them want that.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist’s efforts to woo relig and ethnic groups have sparked cricism om some hard-le neonservativ, who have acced him of nsortg wh Mlim groups that provi fancial support for terrorists, claimg that some people associated wh the Islamic Free Market Instute have lks to terrorist groups. Norquist has nounced the charge as outrageo, and 2003 he banned one of his accers, Frank Gaffney, who served the Pentagon durg the Reagan Admistratn, om his Wednday meetg. Others have suggted that Norquist, marryg a Mlim, nverted to Islam, which isn’t te. “The only way you get thrown out of the meetg is by breakg the l or by beg a racist,” Norquist said. “Frank was a spible racist, and he’s out of the meetg. We are eher a Republin Party that is open to all ethnic groups and all religns, or we die.”</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="2cgibf"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">Another group that Norquist has urted is right-leang gays. Not long ago, I went wh him to a meetg of the Virgia branch of the Log Cab Republins, where a woman named Lra Sent, who scribed herself as a hoewife, nonted him about last year’s electn, when the Republin Party exploed gay marriage as a wedge issue. “It remd me of Nazi Germany,” Sent, who has a gay fay member, said. “What was your reactn?” Norquist looked unfortable. Instead of answerg directly, he predicted that twenty-three stat would pass a nstutnal amendment banng gay marriage, after which the issue would disappear. Sent wasn’t satisfied. She prsed Norquist aga on what he thought of targetg gays, addg, “It’s bad, right?” At last, he answered her. “Y, ’s bad,” he said. “Democraci are dangero. Look what happens California, where they pick on the richt ten per cent.”</p><p class="paywall">Enunters like this one don’t seem to bother Norquist much. “When you are the erng aln, you are gog to have nflicts—’s evable,” he said when I asked him about fissur wh the Republin aln. “The guys don’t have to sleep together. They don’t have to have dner together. They don’t even have to live the same neighborhoods. They jt have to show up on the same day and vote for the same party.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">The biggt tribute that has been paid to Norquist is the effort by Democrats to mimic some of his tactics. Sce the start of the year, a group of unn officials, Hill staffers, amics, journalists, and sgle-issue activists has been gatherg every other Tuday morng to discs how to thwart the Bh Admistratn’s agenda, particularly s Social Secury plan.</p><p class="paywall">Norquist pays close attentn to what the “other team” is dog. In April, he ved Gee Soros, the billnaire, philanthropist, and, lately, supporter of Democratic , such as Ameri Comg Together and , to a Wednday meetg. The room was packed. Soros talked about how his fay had survived the Holot and how he fled om Hungary to England, where he studied philosophy unr Karl Popper and embraced the Open Society before emigratg to Ameri. He add, “Post 9/11, I felt the Open Society was unr attack om the Bh Admistratn’s war on terror, a war that nnot be won if is fought as a war.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist asked Soros how much he had spent tryg to feat Print Bh. About twenty-seven ln dollars, Soros replied. Other qutns followed, many of them hostile, about Iraq, Social Secury, the role of ee markets, and mpaign-fance reform. Soros answered them all. Speakg a thick Hungarian accent, he said that he regard himself as a morate Republin, “but morate Republins have been practilly extermated recent years”—a ment that prompted loud cheers. He lled the war Iraq unjtified and unterproductive. Fally, he said he hoped that the Democrats would w the next electn and that the Republins would then return to the center. People looked at him as if he had endorsed fantici.</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-8 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">After the meetg, Norquist explaed why he had ved Soros. “I want to s him down wh some folks on the right who are ser about civil rights and see if there is any mon ground. I thk he might be terted, bee givg money to the A.C.L.U. don’t mean squat anymore. It n’t move any vot on the Hill.” In recent months, Norquist has fied the Whe Hoe by jog a variety of libertarian groups, cludg the A.C.L.U., mpaigng to get parts of the Patrt Act reformed, particularly the “sneak and peek” cls that allow the ernment to exame people’s fancial, medil, and library rerds. Why not get Soros to spend some money to support the efforts? Surely he would be terted gettg a return on his polil vtments.</p><p class="paywall">The one thg that surprised Norquist about Soros’s appearance, he told me later, was the revelatn that Soros had spent only twenty-seven ln dollars durg last year’s electn. “That is so goofy,” Norquist said. “The guy is worth, what, seven billn dollars, and he tried to buy the Princy on the cheap. He should have been for two and a half billn dollars, for cryg out loud. Twenty-seven ln dollars—that should have been ante money. What were they thkg?”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Norquist is an expert on the murky area where money and polics tersect. For years, he has helped funnel fancial ntributns om rporatns and rich dividuals to Republin ndidat and , often skirtg the mpaign-fance laws the procs. Followg the 1996 electns, Senator Carl Lev, of Michigan, acced Amerins for Tax Reform of lnrg roughly five ln dollars for the Republin Natnal Commtee. Shortly thereafter, state officials Oregon unvered a scheme which wealthy Oregonians sent large sums of money to Amerins for Tax Reform, which passed them on to an anizatn lled Oregon Taxpayers Uned, hidg the inty of the donors. Neher se led to any legal actn agast Norquist.</p><p class="paywall">In recent years, he has also been volved the K-Street Project, an dac attempt by Republin lears on Capol Hill, cludg Tom DeLay and Senator Rick Santom, of Pennsylvania, to turn the by thoroughfare where many rporate fluence peddlers have their offic to an affiliate of the Republin Party. Republins have warned lobbyg firms not to hire any Democrats or ntribute to Democratic if they wish to fluence legislatn. In 1999, Amerins for Tax Reform began postg on s Web se rmatn about which ndidat and parti dividual lobbyists have ma ntributns to, and Norquist started echog the DeLay-Santom le, llg for even the secretari on K Street to be Republins.</p><p class="paywall">To a large extent, the K-Street Project has succeed. Many rporatns that ed to employ lobbyists om both parti equal numbers now hire mostly Republins. Cigroup, for example, has only one Democrat on s ngrsnal lobbyg staff. Republins have e to hold key posns many of the major tra groups, such as the Securi Indtry Associatn and Pharma, which reprents big dg pani.</p><p class="paywall">Until 1999, Norquist himself lobbied Congrs and the executive branch on behalf of bs terts. Acrdg to the Center for Rponsive Polics, he was eher a lobbyist or a nsultant for Microsoft, Seagram, the Distilled Spirs Council, and the Interactive Gamg Council. He also registered as a lobbyist for <em class="small">una</em> and for the Seychell, whose lear, France Albert Rene, was a self-styled leftist. Today, Norquist is no longer officially a lobbyist. He receiv a salary of nearly a hundred and seventy thoand dollars, which is most by the standards of rporate lobbyists, but Amerins for Tax Reform, which has a budget of about five ln dollars a year, still receiv a lot of sh om rporatns that stand to benef om the polici advot.</p><p class="paywall">Norquist has always nied phg legislatn orr to attract fancial ntributns. Recently, however, his motivatns have been lled to qutn bee of his relatnship wh Jack Abramoff, whose reputatn has been stroyed by revelatns that while he was receivg lns of dollars om several Indian trib, he was privately referrg to Indians as “monkeys,” “mofos,” and “troglodyt.”</p><p class="paywall">Last November, the Senate Indian Affairs Commtee, which is vtigatg Abramoff’s lobbyg activi on behalf of the Indian trib, wrote to Amerins for Tax Reform, askg for a long list of documents, cludg fancial rerds. For years, Norquist has been sistg that Indian terrory be exempt om feral taxatn, a policy that greatly benefs the trib that operate sos there. Meanwhile, is now clear, Indian trib have been makg genero donatns to Amerins for Tax Reform, and also, some s, g as a ndu to other nservative groups.</p><p class="paywall">In June, the Indian Affairs Commtee released a batch of e-mails tailg how large sums of money appear to have gone om Abramoff’s Indian clients to Amerins for Tax Reform, and then on to another Republin nsultant, Ralph Reed, who is the former head of the Christian Coaln. The electronic trail begs on November 12, 1998, shortly after the midterm electn, when Reed wr to Abramoff, “Hey, now that I’m done wh electoral polics, I need to start humpg rporate acunts! I’m untg on you to help me wh some ntacts. Have you talked to Grover sce the Newt velopment.” Ggrich had jt rigned as Speaker of the Hoe. “I’m aaid he took a h on the nsultg si wh that sce so much of was Newt matenance but I hope I’m wrong.”</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-9 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">By early 1999, Reed’s lobbyg firm, Century Strategi, was helpg Christian groups Alabama fight legislatn that would create a statewi lottery and perm vio poker certa lotns. Abramoff’s client neighborg Mississippi, the Choctaw tribe, fearg potential petn, cid to donate more than a ln dollars to Reed’s mpaign, which clud stly rad and televisn spots, but the tribe was hred by the fact that the Christian groups wouldn’t accept so money. On September 24, 1999, Abramoff wrote a note to himself: “Call Ralph re Grover dog pass through.” Eleven days later, he wrote, “Grover and Ralph, we need a check to Ralph by Wednday.”</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--rail"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--rail" data-no-id="5ofs"></div></div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--display-rail" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--display-rail"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="al8opq"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">At the start of 2000, the so battle tensified. Reed need more sh, and the Choctaws agreed to supply some. After discsg several optns, Reed and Abramoff aga cid to send the money via Norquist, but this time, apparently, he kept some of for Amerins for Tax Reform. “I need to give Grover somethg for helpg, so the first transfer will be a b lighter,” Abramoff wrote to Reed on Febary 7, 2000.</p><p class="paywall">Ten days later, Abramoff sent another e-mail to Reed: “ATR will be sendg a send $300K today. How much more do we need? We n’t lose this.” Once aga, Amerins for Tax Reform apparently took a cut of the money, promptg Abramoff to wre to himself a few days later: “Grover kept another $25K!”</p><p class="paywall">The mtee also released rrponnce relatg to a meetg that Norquist helped anize May, 2001, at which some of Abramoff’s Indian clients met wh Print Bh. On April 5th, Abramoff wrote to Norquist, “Here’s the first of the checks for the tax event at the Whe Hoe. I’ll have another $25K shortly.” Sixteen months later, on Augt 12, 2002, Abramoff wrote to an official wh the Sagaw Chippewas, another of his client trib, “Last year Grover set a meetg for certa select tribal lears (Cohatta and Chimach were the only on) and the speakers of the hoe of several legislatur to meet wh the Print a small meetg for photos, etc. The trib paid for the event (total st was $100K for the entire thg, and each tribe put $50K). Grover has asked me to le up a few trib to do so aga.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist claims that Abramoff’s e-mails are misleadg and accurate. The two payments of twenty-five thoand dollars that Amerins for Tax Reform received om the Choctaws early 2000 were perfectly legimate and not any way unual, he says, sce the tribe had long been supportive of the anizatn’s activi—a pot nfirmed by a Choctaw reprentative, who told the Indian Affairs Commtee that her tribe “routely ma ntributns” to Amerins for Tax Reform. As for the meetgs the Whe Hoe, Norquist sists they were part of an existg program to reward lol lears and legislators who supported the Bh Admistratn’s agenda, and not part of some sh-for-accs scheme. “No one was ved to Washgton or to meet the Print as the rult of a ntributn. Nor did A.T.R. ask anyone for a ntributn promisg anythg or any meetg,” Norquist said. “Abramoff’s e-mail is jt wrong.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">So far, there don’t appear to be any evince that Norquist has broken the law. Amerins for Tax Reform, sce ’s what is known Washgton as a 501c(4) advocy group, is entled to make fancial donatns to practilly any e choos, regardls of where the money origated. “You n say that the laws should be changed, but that is an entirely different matter,” Newt Ggrich told me. “You n’t cricize people for dog thgs that are entirely legal. I know parts of the left would like to e this to brg Grover down, but that is not gog to happen.”</p><p class="paywall">Still, Norquist is trapped between a wing crimal vtigatn to Abramoff’s activi, an quisive ngrsnal mtee, and an energized prs—a adly triangle that many once proment Washgton figur have disappeared to. On Capol Hill, there is discsn about what John McCa, the ma force behd the Abramoff vtigatn, will do next. A senr Democratic staffer I spoke wh speculated that McCa uld be “stg on a treasure trove of e-mails that would do Grover” but which he hasn’t released bee he is “leveragg the rmatn to get Reed to grovel and Grover to help his 2008 primary.” McCa, for his part, has said that his only tert is unverg wrongdog and protectg Indian trib om future ripoffs.</p><p class="paywall">Norquist blam McCa for much of his trouble. In the fall of 1999, when McCa looked as if he might w the Republin nomatn for the Princy, Norquist, Ralph Reed, and other nservative activists anized prs nferenc New Hampshire and South Carola to attack the Senator’s work on mpaign-fance reform. The attacks cid wh the spread of mors qutng McCa’s mental health and his fns for the Whe Hoe. McCa’s support ebbed, and he lost South Carola to Gee W. Bh. Sce then, he and Norquist have been bter enemi.</p><p class="paywall">“McCa was nng as Glle,” Norquist relled. “He said, ‘Vote for me. I will lead you.’ That is Caarism. That is pletely unacceptable. Add to that, McCa is pletely unstable. He throws thgs. He screams at people. Ask anybody on his staff and they will tell you. Also, remember, McCa is Keatg Five. He is the one who had to adopt mpaign-fance reform so wouldn’t say on his tombstone that he was part of a major ngrsnal sndal, the S. & L. sndal.” If Norquist was worried about McCa and his lleagu on the Indian Affairs Commtee, he wasn’t showg . “They are gog to go after me, sayg, ‘Grover and Jack, they are icky,’ ” he said. “But that’s all right.” McCa might “whe a lot, but we n al wh that.”</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-10 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">McCa cled to ment on Norquist’s remarks, but his chief of staff, Mark Salter, said, a statement, “I doubt the Senator is much troubled by Mr. Norquist’s opn of him. On the ntrary, he is pleased that he has never had an associatn wh Mr. Norquist and prefers that stay that way.” Salter also noted, “Senator McCa is not tryg to tarnish Grover Norquist’s reputatn by tyg him to Jack Abramoff. By his own admissn, Grover uldn’t be any closer to Abramoff if they moved to Massachsetts and got married.”</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">The biggt threat that Norquist fac may not be a legal one. For years, he has trad on the fact that other nservative activists looked upon him as an rptible outsir. Now his reputatn is beg attacked even by fellow-nservativ. Last month, <em>The Weekly Standard</em>, which is owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporatn, scribed Norquist and Reed as “symbols of how one-time anti-Washgton polil surgents trad their ialism for gobs of rporate sh.”</p><p class="paywall">As the sndal plays out, Norquist is keepg as by as ever. A uple of weeks ago, I drove wh him to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, where he attend a regular meetg of lol nservative activists. On the way, he talked about the g battle over the Supreme Court. Immediately after Sandra Day O’Connor rigned, a number of leadg nservativ angered Print Bh by warng him not to nomate Alberto R. Gonzal, the Attorney General, bee they feared that he, like David Souter, who was nomated by Bh’s father, would turn out to be a morate jtice. Norquist backed the Whe Hoe, tellg the dissints to pipe down.</p><p class="paywall">“One of the thgs that the Print learned om his father and Ronald Reagan was don’t raise tax,” Norquist said. “The other was don’t screw up Supreme Court appotments. I believe that, as far as is humanly possible, he is gog to pick a judge who is like Slia and Thomas. I tst him on that bee he saw what happened when Bh senr picked the wrong judge. Also, if you are not gog to get Social Secury reform, you are not gog to get fundamental tax reform, and you are not gog to turn the Middle East to Swzerland, then the thg that people will wre about you fifty years is that the judicial appotments you ma really shifted thgs.”</p><p class="paywall">Last week, when Print Bh nomated John G. Roberts, a fifty-year-old judge on the feral appeals urt, and a member of the Feralist Society, Norquist was elated. “He appears to be a solid person who is at the center of the ‘leave alone’ aln on judicial issu,” he said. “This is tremendo progrs for nservativ the legal muny.” When Tim Goegle prented the Whe Hoe’s se for Roberts at the Wednday meetg, nobody stood up to challenge him. “That’s a pretty good ditn that people are happy wh the nomatn,” Norquist said.</p><p class="paywall">Still, even if Roberts gets nfirmed fairly easily, which is what many Washgton sirs expect to happen, the nservative mpaign to take ntrol of the high urt will ntue. “The big fight—the Bork-style battle— when Gsberg, Souter, or Stevens steps asi,” Norquist said. “That is when the other si will make a stand, and our si will ph for victory.”</p><p class="paywall">Norquist pris himself on takg the long view and acceptg ocsnal setbacks. On Social Secury, for example, he now thks that might take until after the electn of 2008, or even 2010, for the Bh agenda to triumph, but he se reform as evable, and he predicts that the private savgs acunts will ultimately bee known as “W” acunts. “Ronald Reagan won the Cold War 1991—three years after he left office,” he said. “You don’t have to be there physilly to get the cred.”</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="ot4dkp"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">One eveng recently, Norquist attend a dner for the New York State Conservative Party at the New York Sheraton at which he was praised by Governor Pataki. Partly owg to Norquist’s efforts, Pataki told the crowd, even liberal New York Republins now thought twice before raisg tax. Karl Rove was the event’s honoree. He ed some ntroversy by sayg that after September 11th some liberals and Democrats wanted to offer “therapy” to the attackers. But most of his speech was taken up wh a triumphalist analysis of polil realignment. Harkg back to 1964, when Barry Goldwater was feated a landsli and “we were relegated to the polil wilrns,” Rove claimed that nservatism was now “the guidg philosophy the Whe Hoe, the Senate, the Hoe, twenty-eight ernorships, and the majory of state legislatur.”</p><p class="paywall">After the dner and a photograph wh Rove, Norquist walked uptown, to the Time Warner Center, where several hundred people had gathered to honor Milton Friedman, the ee-market enomist, who is nety-two. The fact that New York uld support two such benefs one night, Norquist said, ttified to Rove’s pot about the strength of the nservative movement. Then, as ual, he ran to somebody he knew. “How’s gog?” the woman asked him. Norquist didn’t hate. “We’re wng,” he replied. ♦</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--rail"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--rail" data-no-id="8vjwl"></div></div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--display-rail" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--display-rail"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 PaywallInleBarrierWhWrapperGrid-fyrGfS kLQIUk grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="body body__le-barrier article__body"><div class="ntaer ntaer--body"><div class="ntaer--body-ner"><asi class="PaywallInleBarrierWrapper-iBnuqk lfXXa-D" data-ttid="PaywallInleBarrierWrapper"><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--paywall-le-barrier" role="prentatn" aria-live="pole" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--paywall-le-barrier"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></asi></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ContentWrapperGrid-fvkmBv brYtrA grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="body body__ntaer"><div class="ntaer ntaer--body"><div class="ntaer--body-ner"></div></div></div></div></div></div></article><div class="ContentFooterWrapper-jVNdRG dTJkpP ArticlePageContentFooterGrid-ccsXYy eMZRHU article-body__footer"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><footer class="ContentFooterMagazeDisclaimer-gzKAqo iZIuUU" data-ttid="MagazeDisclaimerWrapper">Published the prt edn of the <a href="/magaze/2005/08/01" data-reactroot="">Augt 1, 2005</a>, issue.</footer></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="ContributorsWrapper-eNpWFu GWFsc ntributors" data-ttid="Contributors"><div class="ContributorBWrapper-bnVHbt gMon"><div class="ContributorBAvatar-bIGTqf eMWbvj"><a href="/ntributors/john-ssidy"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW jvZaPI rponsive-asset"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa rponsive-image"><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></picture></span></a></div><div class="ContributorBContent-ubQdr jZTSSi"><div class="ContributorBHear-ledood XOIEx"></div><div class="ContributorBB-fBolsO giFhKz"><a href="/ntributors/john-ssidy">John Cassidy</a> has been a staff wrer at The New Yorker sce 1995. 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data-ttid="ByleWrapper" emProp="thor" emType="><span emProp="name" class="ByleNamWrapper-jbHncj fuDQVo"><span data-ttid="ByleName" class="ByleName-kwmrLn cYaBaU byle__name"><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ BylePreamble-iJolpQ iUEiRd jslZfG gnILss byle__preamble">By </span>John Cassidy</span></span></p></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="SummaryItemWrapper-iwvBff hlYhBH summary-em summary-em--ARTICLE summary-em--no-in summary-em--text-align-left summary-em--layout-placement-text-below-sktop-only summary-em--layout-posn-image-right summary-em--layout-proportns-33-66 summary-em--si-by-si-align-center summary-em--si-by-si-image-right-mobile-false summary-em--standard SummaryCollectnGridSummaryItem-WColm eamwqR" role="button" tabx="0"><div class="SummaryItemAssetContaer-gwhFFH VOyg summary-em__asset-ntaer"><a class="SummaryItemImageLk-dshqxb USLvL summary-em__image-lk summary-em-trackg__image-lk" href=" aria-hidn="te" tabx="-1" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-image-2" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" target="_self"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kGxnNB rponsive-asset SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image"><div data-tt="aspect-rat-ntaer" class="AspectRatContaer-bJHpJz jMoLpX"><div class="aspect-rat--overlay-ntaer"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image rponsive-image"><noscript><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="2024 Preview: Binomics Vers the Tmp Freak Show" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></noscript></picture></div></div></span></a></div><div class="SummaryItemContent-eiDYMl ldWYvC summary-em__ntent"><div class="RubricWrapper-dKmCNX kImuKS bric bric--disvery SummaryItemRubric-dguGKN fYiFyD summary-em__bric"><span class="RubricName-fVtemz cLxcNi">Letter om Bin’s Washgton</span></div><a class="SummaryItemHedLk-civM cZPaWG summary-em-trackg__hed-lk summary-em__hed-lk" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-hed-2" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" href=" target="_self"><div class="SummaryItemHedBase-hiFYpQ iIjKeM summary-em__hed" data-ttid="SummaryItemHed">2024 Preview: Binomics Vers the Tmp Freak Show</div></a><div class="SummaryItemAssetContaer-gwhFFH VOyg summary-em__asset-ntaer"><a class="SummaryItemImageLk-dshqxb USLvL summary-em__image-lk summary-em-trackg__image-lk" href=" aria-hidn="te" tabx="-1" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-image-2" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" target="_self"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kGxnNB rponsive-asset SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image"><div data-tt="aspect-rat-ntaer" class="AspectRatContaer-bJHpJz jMoLpX"><div class="aspect-rat--overlay-ntaer"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image rponsive-image"><noscript><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="2024 Preview: Binomics Vers the Tmp Freak Show" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></noscript></picture></div></div></span></a></div><div class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ SummaryItemDek-CRfsi iUEiRd jxOIpm cPtisA summary-em__k">The Print’s feel-good tour offers a stark ntrast to his precsor’s summer of nspiraci and crimal dictments. But will work?</div><div class="SummaryItemByleWrapper-boCfbi hYsZi summary-em__byle-date-in"><div class="SummaryItemBaseByle-fFbXkY cgDBtc summary-em__byle"><div class="summary-em__byle__ntent"><div data-ttid="BylWrapper" class="BylWrapper-KIudk irTIfE byl"><p class="ByleWrapper-jWHrLH dSEWiO byle byl__byle" data-ttid="ByleWrapper" emProp="thor" emType="><span emProp="name" class="ByleNamWrapper-jbHncj fuDQVo"><span data-ttid="ByleName" class="ByleName-kwmrLn cYaBaU byle__name"><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ BylePreamble-iJolpQ iUEiRd jslZfG gnILss byle__preamble">By </span>San B. Glasser</span></span></p></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="SummaryItemWrapper-iwvBff hlYhBH summary-em summary-em--ARTICLE summary-em--no-in summary-em--text-align-left summary-em--layout-placement-text-below-sktop-only summary-em--layout-posn-image-right summary-em--layout-proportns-33-66 summary-em--si-by-si-align-center summary-em--si-by-si-image-right-mobile-false summary-em--standard SummaryCollectnGridSummaryItem-WColm eamwqR" role="button" tabx="0"><div class="SummaryItemAssetContaer-gwhFFH VOyg summary-em__asset-ntaer"><a class="SummaryItemImageLk-dshqxb USLvL summary-em__image-lk summary-em-trackg__image-lk" href=" aria-hidn="te" tabx="-1" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-image-3" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" target="_self"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kGxnNB rponsive-asset SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image"><div data-tt="aspect-rat-ntaer" class="AspectRatContaer-bJHpJz jMoLpX"><div class="aspect-rat--overlay-ntaer"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image rponsive-image"><noscript><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="Many Senr Republins Are Still Reluctant to Break wh Tmp" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></noscript></picture></div></div></span></a></div><div class="SummaryItemContent-eiDYMl ldWYvC summary-em__ntent"><div class="RubricWrapper-dKmCNX kImuKS bric bric--disvery SummaryItemRubric-dguGKN fYiFyD summary-em__bric"><span class="RubricName-fVtemz cLxcNi">Our Columnists</span></div><a class="SummaryItemHedLk-civM cZPaWG summary-em-trackg__hed-lk summary-em__hed-lk" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-hed-3" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" href=" target="_self"><div class="SummaryItemHedBase-hiFYpQ iIjKeM summary-em__hed" data-ttid="SummaryItemHed">Many Senr Republins Are Still Reluctant to Break wh Tmp</div></a><div class="SummaryItemAssetContaer-gwhFFH VOyg summary-em__asset-ntaer"><a class="SummaryItemImageLk-dshqxb USLvL summary-em__image-lk summary-em-trackg__image-lk" href=" aria-hidn="te" tabx="-1" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-image-3" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" target="_self"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kGxnNB rponsive-asset SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image"><div data-tt="aspect-rat-ntaer" class="AspectRatContaer-bJHpJz jMoLpX"><div class="aspect-rat--overlay-ntaer"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image rponsive-image"><noscript><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="Many Senr Republins Are Still Reluctant to Break wh Tmp" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></noscript></picture></div></div></span></a></div><div class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ SummaryItemDek-CRfsi iUEiRd jxOIpm cPtisA summary-em__k">Sce the filg of new charg agast the ex-Print, many G.O.P. policians—cludg some of Tmp’s rivals the primary—have already adopted his amg of the Jtice Department’s se.</div><div class="SummaryItemByleWrapper-boCfbi hYsZi summary-em__byle-date-in"><div class="SummaryItemBaseByle-fFbXkY cgDBtc summary-em__byle"><div class="summary-em__byle__ntent"><div data-ttid="BylWrapper" class="BylWrapper-KIudk irTIfE byl"><p class="ByleWrapper-jWHrLH dSEWiO byle byl__byle" data-ttid="ByleWrapper" emProp="thor" emType="><span emProp="name" class="ByleNamWrapper-jbHncj fuDQVo"><span data-ttid="ByleName" class="ByleName-kwmrLn cYaBaU byle__name"><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ BylePreamble-iJolpQ iUEiRd jslZfG gnILss byle__preamble">By </span>John Cassidy</span></span></p></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="SummaryItemWrapper-iwvBff hlYhBH summary-em summary-em--ARTICLE summary-em--no-in summary-em--text-align-left summary-em--layout-placement-text-below-sktop-only summary-em--layout-posn-image-right summary-em--layout-proportns-33-66 summary-em--si-by-si-align-center summary-em--si-by-si-image-right-mobile-false summary-em--standard SummaryCollectnGridSummaryItem-WColm eamwqR" role="button" tabx="0"><div class="SummaryItemAssetContaer-gwhFFH VOyg summary-em__asset-ntaer"><a class="SummaryItemImageLk-dshqxb USLvL summary-em__image-lk summary-em-trackg__image-lk" href=" aria-hidn="te" tabx="-1" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-image-4" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" target="_self"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kGxnNB rponsive-asset SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image"><div data-tt="aspect-rat-ntaer" class="AspectRatContaer-bJHpJz jMoLpX"><div class="aspect-rat--overlay-ntaer"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image rponsive-image"><noscript><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="The Harsh Glare of Jtice" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></noscript></picture></div></div></span></a></div><div class="SummaryItemContent-eiDYMl ldWYvC summary-em__ntent"><div class="RubricWrapper-dKmCNX kImuKS bric bric--disvery SummaryItemRubric-dguGKN fYiFyD summary-em__bric"><span class="RubricName-fVtemz cLxcNi">Letter om Bin’s Washgton</span></div><a class="SummaryItemHedLk-civM cZPaWG summary-em-trackg__hed-lk summary-em__hed-lk" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-hed-4" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" href=" target="_self"><div class="SummaryItemHedBase-hiFYpQ iIjKeM summary-em__hed" data-ttid="SummaryItemHed">The Harsh Glare of Jtice</div></a><div class="SummaryItemAssetContaer-gwhFFH VOyg summary-em__asset-ntaer"><a class="SummaryItemImageLk-dshqxb USLvL summary-em__image-lk summary-em-trackg__image-lk" href=" aria-hidn="te" tabx="-1" data-ponent-type="recirc-river" data-recirc-id="em-image-4" data-recirc-pattern="summary-em" target="_self"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kGxnNB rponsive-asset SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image"><div data-tt="aspect-rat-ntaer" class="AspectRatContaer-bJHpJz jMoLpX"><div class="aspect-rat--overlay-ntaer"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SummaryItemRponsiveAsset-hjGIGg egpoQR summary-em__image rponsive-image"><noscript><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="The Harsh Glare of Jtice" class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></noscript></picture></div></div></span></a></div><div class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ SummaryItemDek-CRfsi iUEiRd jxOIpm cPtisA summary-em__k">On the ex-Print’s snarly mug shot om the Fulton County Jail and a 2024 realy of Tmp, Tmp, and more Tmp.</div><div class="SummaryItemByleWrapper-boCfbi hYsZi summary-em__byle-date-in"><div class="SummaryItemBaseByle-fFbXkY cgDBtc summary-em__byle"><div class="summary-em__byle__ntent"><div data-ttid="BylWrapper" class="BylWrapper-KIudk irTIfE byl"><p class="ByleWrapper-jWHrLH dSEWiO byle byl__byle" data-ttid="ByleWrapper" emProp="thor" emType="><span emProp="name" class="ByleNamWrapper-jbHncj fuDQVo"><span data-ttid="ByleName" class="ByleName-kwmrLn cYaBaU byle__name"><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ BylePreamble-iJolpQ iUEiRd jslZfG gnILss byle__preamble">By </span>San B. 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