NEW ORDER - A GAY PRIDE CELEBRATION ALBUM LYRICS

Contents:

• THE VOICE OF CHICAGO'S GAY, LESBIAN, BI, TRANS AND QUEER COMMUNITY SINCE 1985
• EXECUTIVE ORR ON ADVANCG EQUALY FOR LBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANSGENR, QUEER, AND INTERSEX INDIVIDUALS
• 30 GAY LOVE SONGS: MEN SGG ABOUT MEN
• NEW ORR - A GAY PRI CELEBRATN ALBUM
• INTIMATE NOSTALGIA: EMERGG GAY ACTIVISM AND TECHNOLOGI OF LOLIZATN

THE VOICE OF CHICAGO'S GAY, LESBIAN, BI, TRANS AND QUEER COMMUNITY SINCE 1985

“The key issue that Bud Light tapped to was the fact that they didn’t unrstand their re dience and know enough about them,” Hodson, a gay man, told CNN about the ntroversy that began when the Anhser-Bch beer brand sent fluencer Dylan Mulvaney a n of beer. Gay Water might not have the ep pockets pared to s petors, like Whe Claw, but “even at small sle, pani of many siz are havg succs makg spir-based seltzers and premixed cktails,” Bryan Roth, an analyst for Feel Goods Company and edor of the alhol beverage newsletter, Sightl+, told CNN. “There’s lots of space the spir-based seltzer tegory which Gay Water n play, pecially if the brand n offer a cultural or emotnal nnectn that will feel more excg than the prospect of another peapple-flavored vodka seltzer om natnal or ternatnal rporatns,” Roth said.

THE MEDIA HAS BEEN WORKING DILIGENTLY TO DESENSITIZE THE POPULATION TO THE GAY/TRANSGENDER/LGBT AGENDA FOR YEARS… AT FIRST IT WAS IN THE MOVIES, THEN CELEBRITIES STARTED COMING OUT OF THE CLOSET, OTHER CELEBRITIES SUPPORTED THEM, NOW GAY NBA AND NFL PLAYERS ARE COMING OUT AND BEING ACCEPTED BY THEIR PEERS!!!

EXECUTIVE ORR ON ADVANCG EQUALY FOR LBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANSGENR, QUEER, AND INTERSEX INDIVIDUALS

AND WHEN I REMEMBER THE ONE STATEMENT AND REMEMBER THE OTHER STATEMENT, I BELIEVE AIDS IS A DISEASE WHICH HAS BEEN CREATED IN THE LABORATORY AND I THINK THAT ONE PURPOSE IT SERVES IS TO GET RID OF PEOPLE WHO ARE SO STUPID AS TO GO ALONG WITH OUR HOMOSEXUAL PROGRAM. In this spir, not only would the mov facilate people to proudly embrace their gay inty and sexualy, but would also unify them to a stctured movement that would make gay polics more legimate public and before the ernment (Oetomo-Oen 1982) make their visn a realy, LI activists prted and published z to reach out to gay and lbian persons across the untry, wh the hope to gradually transform them to empowered sexual subjects. ’ The send one was imaged to be attaed after the precedg missn was succsfully achieved, that is, to amass gay and lbian Indonians to a robt muny to make their polil agenda and stggl for social acceptance and regnn of homosexualy more powerful.

To some extent, bis the bary tegory of woman and man, the ernment only regnized waria, maly treatg them as a socially and psychologilly disabled person for their genr transgrsive renr the ia of homosexualy and gay inty acceptable wh Indonian society, gay activists did not only adopted multiple strategi that clud circulatg Wtern sexualy disurs to promote more posive views of homosexualy. Through pilg varyg evince of lol homosexual and transgenr practic, Indonian gay activists started to dissemate the view that same-sex relatns and genr transgrsive exprsns had long been an tegral element of lol cultur, and this led to the realizatn that homosexualy was genuely patible wh Indonian-ns. What nantly arose om this procs of lolizg gayns is the disptn of the ia of a sgular pot of orig and a Wtern-centric le of the genealogy of gay inty, which, to date, had shaped how queer activists ma sense of their sexual inti relatn to their natnal inty and belongg.

The qutn of how this discursive strategy relat to queer inty polics Indonia then be an pecially generative parture pot to quire whether and to what extent the Indonian queer activist’s approach to queer histori differs om what has been discsed the Wtern queer scholarship, asks how this to be, and unvers any specific queer inty polics that have emerged through makg nnectns between the past and the chapter explor the emergence of gay and lbian inti and activisms Indonia. A closer examatn unearths the activist agenci, pabili, and strategic attempts at balancg velopment Wtern gay and lbian disurs and movements agast the everyday ntgenci and challeng queer Indonians face seekg to ga acceptance and regnn om the state and society. Throughout this procs, the discursive technologi, or what I term ‘technologi of lolizatn, ’ have nantly produced the ia that homophobic attus were actually an extrsic qualy that did not origate om lol cultur and histori, but were rather brought by the arrival of morny, bourgeois norms, and monotheistic religns Indonian society.

30 GAY LOVE SONGS: MEN SGG ABOUT MEN

Important to note here is that the technologi evolve, mutate, and even change over time, pendg on the ever-shiftg global disurs, lol challeng om the state and society, and polil terts of the relevant the enavor to unveil the polics of Indonia’s gay movements and how technologi of lolizatn. I show that the varyg and petg natur of the sexual disurs, which were maly obssed wh fdg the ‘e’ of homosexualy, opened up an opportuny for activists to strategilly explo this ‘sudn openns’ to ph homosexualy issu to the foreont of public bat. Although the state did not perceive homosexualy as a direct threat to society, many gay and lbian Indonians entered heterosexual marriage both orr to avoid negative social stigma, and equally, to bee an ial adult Indonian cizen, as promulgated by the state’s genr iology.

While non-heteronormative sexuali and genrs n be readily loted var cultural practic of ethnic groups Indonia, morn gay and lbian inty appeared for the first time the public disurse the late 1970s and early 1980s (Boellstorff 2005; see also Chapter 1). This marriage was, ed, not legal unr the law of the state, but media verage of the event proved to be the prelu to an episodic eptn of public discsn of gay and lbian inti and sexuali Indonia the g years (Boellstorff 2005, 62–78; Oetomo 1984). Followg the media reports of the lbian marriage, discsns of homosexualy, along wh the entrenchment of the tegory ‘gay’ and ‘lbian’ the lol landspe, started to make ‘sexual object choice’ as a distctive basis of termg one’s sexual inty that did not always rrpond to and align wh the person’s genr viatn, as prevly enpsulated the lolly vented nomenclature ‘waria’ (see also Valente 2007, 15).

NEW ORR - A GAY PRI CELEBRATN ALBUM

Followg the wispread e of waria and media reports of the lbian marriage the early 1980s, this ‘sudn openns’ and discsns of gay and lbian inty the media produced multiple and petg disurs around the issu of homosexualy (Boellstorff 2005; Wierga 2019). As discsns of homosexualy the media were flourishg, the specific productn of gay and lbian subjects also possibly beme 1982, Liberty magaze published a report on the suici of two lbians afflicted by their ‘forbidn love’ (see Boellstorff 2005, 65; Oetomo 1984).

Posng children as “havg pure souls” (jiwa-jiwa yang masih murni)Footnote 10 (Oetomo 1984, 10) this kd of disurse lkg homosexualy and child moltatn then jtified a ll for strengtheng the role of fay, relign, and moral tn for child protectn. The ia that homosexualy as a foreign enty and a rult of sexual moltatn by a person of the same genr, unfortunately, ntu to the prent day (see Chapter 5) unfoldg pattern the discsns was clear: homosexualy was mostly the rult of ‘socialy. In rponse to the nstctn of homosexual sire and orientatn as socially emergent, the unter-disurse on homosexualy the media centered on the dissematn of the view that homosexualy was an nate feature of particular dividuals and their psychologil makp.

INTIMATE NOSTALGIA: EMERGG GAY ACTIVISM AND TECHNOLOGI OF LOLIZATN

In the siar spir, his letter to Indonian mothers published a 1982 edn of Karti Magaze, Indonian gay activist Dédé Oetomo ma an explic reference to Sigmund Frd’s ll to disassociate homosexualy om the tegory of illns, which was articulated Frd’s 1935 letter to a mother of a homosexual. This occurrence marked the begng of the circulatn and ployment of transnatnal sexual technologi by lol gay willfully misquote Luce Irigaray’s landmark book tle I characterize this proliferatn of disurs of homosexualy as ‘the homosexualy which is not one’—homosexualy emerged through and wh a boundls flow of disurs, gradually but surely solidifyg homosexualy as an abstract and regnizable tegory.

This is precisely where gay activists saw the opportuny to participate this discursive terra and to fill the ntents of the abstract tegory of homosexualy wh more affirmg troductn of the ncept of homosexualy and the leatn of morn gay and lbian inty, however, did not always translate to posive selfhood for Indonians wh same-sex sire. Although the ncept of homosexualy gave them the means to name their sir, many Indonians wh same-sex sire tend to acknowledge their sexual feelgs and practic as ‘an illns’ and hence ntued to enter to heterosexual marriage as a way of gag the regnn as a ‘normal’ dividual and an ial adult Indonian cizen (Boellstorff 2005; Howard 1996). The heterosexually married ‘homosexual’ subjects not only signified how culturally distant the ncept of ‘gay’ was for many Indonians at this time; they also embodied the terplay between state iology, natn, and sexualy (Boellstorff 2005).

This strong impulse to reproduce, perhaps, also dited the ep fluence of the state’s heteronormative-reproductive fay prciple that permeated the nscns of gay and lbian those gay men livg ‘double liv, ’ many somehow did not regard their discreet same-sex relatnships as a form of ‘betrayal’ agast their fay and wife. Of urse, all the state’s practic and polici were jtified and directed for the prervatn of natnal stabily, inty, and sum up, gay and lbian dividuals ‘dubbed’ Wtern gay and lbian inty and reappropriated an Indonian soc-cultural ntext (Boellstorff 2005). (2005) remds through his ia of ‘dubbg culture, ’ the term ‘gay’ referred to specific sexual subjectivi Indonia at this time, and as such should be regard as an Indonian term of gay, distct om the English/Amerin word ‘gay’ that was rived om.