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Mart Leve ed spot maps of bars and cisg grounds to substantiate a "gay ghetto"; Jen Jack Giekg analyzed dividuals' "mental maps" of queer space; Am Ghaziani criqued the enclave theory of "gayborhoods" favor of what he terms "cultural archipelagos.

"2Mart Leve, "Gay Ghetto, " Gay Men: The Soclogy of Male Homosexualy, ed.

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Yvette Taylor and Michelle Addison (London: Palgrave Maclan, 2013), 178–200; Am Ghaziani, There Go the Gayborhood?

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As Hoton's Montrose neighborhood me to be intified as a "gayborhood" between 1960 and 1980, archival evince shows that cisg narrativ played a powerful role that intifitn. Gay Hoton, October 1972.

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Rather, ntemporary popular culture, high art, lerature, pornography, and vernacular speech ntue to reproduce face-to-face cisg public as part of a globally available gay sexual vobulary and social practice.

Through documentg the disparate works of people who me to meet on Hoton's cisg grounds—tentnal sex-seekers, crimals explog stigmas attached to gay sex, ambivalent law enforcement officials, area nizens, and perhaps ially naïve passersby—I argue that the social distributn of knowledge about cisg illtrat that queer terrori functned part bee some who do not intify as "queer" also imaged those terrori as nnected to queer liv. Leve borrows four creria om the soclogists Robert Park and Louis Wirth to asss the stat of a "gay ghetto": stutnal ncentratn, culture area, social isolatn, and rintial ncentratn. 6Leve, "Gay Ghetto, " 185.

His "exploratory fieldwork" nsisted of walkg around neighborhoods observg gay life and talkg wh gay people, activi que parallel to cisg self. "7Leve, "Gay Ghetto, " 204. " That multiplicy of spac grounds his proposal "that we redirect the study of sexualy and space away om our preexistg assumptns of spatial sgulary—evced by a steady stream of publitns about dividual gay districts—toward a cultural archipelagos mol of spatial pluraly.

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