Why Gayborhoods Matter: The Street Empirics of Urban Sexuali - PMC

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WHY GAYBORHOODS MATTER: THE STREET EMPIRICS OF URBAN SEXUALI

"We are a prime target bee of our Blackns, and our tersectnaly of beg trans adds an extra target on our backs, " said Jonovia Chase, -lead anizer of Hoe Liv Matter, a muny anizatn posed of sexual- and genr-mory people of said that although Black Liv Matter was "created by queer folks, [cisgenr] privilege has taken precent over gay and transgenr people.

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Johnson and Sylvia Rivera, a trans woman of lor, who helped kickstart the LGBTQ rights movement followg the Stonewall uprisg of the 1960s only to watch as many hard-fought rights and privileg benefed whe gay men and women but weren't extend to people like them.

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Held the "world’s first permted para advotg for gay rights, " a fact Christopher Street Wt still highlights on s webse to this Shalae, a Beyoncé impersonator who performed at the march, said that when she first moved to Los Angel, she uldn't persua whe-owned LGBTQ bars and clubs to book her for performanc. Gut Edor (s): Alex Bterman17 and Daniel Baldw Hs1817Department of Archecture and Dign, Aled State Universy of New York, New York, USA 18Department of Urban and Regnal Planng, Universy at Buffalo, Buffalo, NY USA AbstractUrbanists have veloped an extensive set of proposns about why gay neighborhoods form, how they change, shifts their signifince, and their spatial exprsns. By shiftg the analytic gaze om abstract ncepts to teractns and embodied perceptns on the ground—a “street empirics” as I ll —I challenge the claim that gayborhoods as an urban form are outmod or obsolete.

Keywords: Urban sexuali, Technology, Gay neighborhoods, LGBTQ+ safe spacIntroductn: Gayborhood StudiThe associatn between sexualy and the cy is as tablished experientially as is affirmed the amy—om sexologil unts of sexual practic to thick ethnographic scriptns of the moral regns of urban sexual worlds (Ksey et al. Scholars ask why gayborhoods first formed (Castells and Murphy 1982; Knopp 1997; Lewis 2013), how they have changed over time (Kanai and Kenttamaa-Squir 2015; Rhbrook 2002; Stryker and Van Bkirk 1996), their cultural signifince for queer people (Doan and Higgs 2011; Greene 2014; Orne 2017), why they appeal to heterosexuals (Brodyn and Ghaziani 2018; Ghaziani 2019d), and their diverse spatial exprsns ( Brown-Saraco 2018; Ghaziani 2019a; Whtemore and Smart 2016). This prompted follow-up qutns about whether gay districts remble ethnic ghettos (Leve 1979; Wirth 1928) and if gay bars are better nceptualized as private (Weightman 1980) or closet-like spac (Brown 2000).

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Some rearchers show that people e technology creatively to image new spac away om the gayborhood (Wu and Ward 2017), while others argue that apps reproduce equali (Conner 2018) than origs, anizatns, and technology, rearchers who work a fourth stream of gayborhood studi document mographic chang (Moral 2018; Sprg 2013) and nsir their effects on muny-buildg and placemakg efforts ( Brown-Saraco 2011; Casey 2004; Ghaziani and Stillwagon 2018; Rennger 2019). Cens tracts, real tate ads, bs and non-prof listgs, llective memori, revenu, nighttime enomy, pop-ups, cultural archipelagosAlthough scholars have produced nsirable knowledge about gayborhoods, a key oversight remas: what do the gayborhood mean for the people who actually live ?

I draw on more than six hundred natnal media reports about the gayborhood across several s of verage, particularly stori which a journalist terviewed lol rints, to intify six major reasons why queer people say they live a gay district and what about appeals to them. 2 Non-rintial stakeholrs make “vir” claims on gayborhoods as well (Greene 2014), but the are precisely what the ncept of virns suggts: proxy experienc that take the place of, or are imaged as related to, the on of rints.

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Former San Francis supervisor Harry Brt famoly asserted that sexualy and space are extribly lked: “When gays are spatially isolated, they are not gay, bee they are visible” (Castells 1983: 138).

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”5 Another article the same prs reported on activy San Francis, where lol officials “timate that 95 percent of eligible voters are registered, large part bee of tensive voter-registratn driv gay neighborhoods. Durg electn cycl, gayborhood rints historilly have often worn buttons on their bags to proclaim the power of their vote, and they have anized voter registratn driv on the streets as well (Imag 4.

The New York Tim terviewed rints of Greenwich Village who reflected on what drew them to the neighborhood before gentrified: “Olr rints rell another era, when the street was paved not wh gold, but wh gays.

”8 Rints like the pend on the streets of gayborhoods, which are often shield om the heterosexual gaze, to nnect wh each four s later and across the untry, people still appreciate the streets of gayborhoods for their sexual workg opportuni. An edorial the Advote reflected on Wt Hollywood’s twentieth anniversary as “Ameri’s first gay cy” ( was rporated on November 29, 1984): “I’m not argug that Wt Hollywood is a perfect cy, or even a gay mec.

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