Two strikg featur characterize the state of public opn about gay rights general and gay marriage particular.1 The first is the creasg level of
Contents:
GAY MARRIAGE
* gay marriage scholarly articles *
For example, a study of olr sexual mory adults stat wh equal marriage rights found that married SMW experienced more LGBTQ (lbian, gay, bisexual, transgenr, queer) microaggrsns than sgle SMW, but no differenc by relatnship stat were noted among SMM [41].
Followg is an example of the search terms ed CINAHL database search: ((TI "marriage regnn" OR AB "marriage regnn") OR (TI marriage OR AB marriage) OR (TI same-sex OR AB same-sex) OR (TI "same sex" OR AB "same sex")) AND ((TI LGBT OR AB LGBT) OR (TI gay OR AB gay) OR (TI lbian OR AB lbian) OR (TI bisexual OR AB bisexual) OR (TI transgenr OR AB transgenr) OR (TI Obergefell OR AB Obergefell) OR (TI "sexual mori" OR AB "sexual mori))Articl were selected two stag of review. For example, a study of upl om the first hort of same-sex upl to legally marry Canada, participants scribed marriage as providg them wh language to scribe their partner that was more socially unrstood and helpg to crease homophobic attus among the people around them [83].
FROM GAY LIBERATN TO MARRIAGE EQUALY
Dpe major chang laws and norms surroundg the issue of same-sex marriage and the rights of LGBT people around the world, public opn on the acceptance of homosexualy society remas sharply divid by untry, regn and enomic velopment. Put simply, a number of natns have wnsed “sea chang” public opn about gay other strikg feature is the wi variatn across natns public opn about gay rights and gay marriage, as well as related attus about gay men, lbians, and homosexualy (see Table 1).