Richard Nixon tap reveal views on women, gay people, Henry Kissger - CBS News

henry kissinger gay

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BOOK REVEALS NIXON'S FEELGS ON GAY PEOPLE, WOMEN, KISSGER

As someone who has known him for 15 years says, “Henry lik to believe that although he’s a ser Germanic scholar, he’s really a ivolo playboy, that he’s Metternich, the Papilln, light, gay and 18th Century. He n be light and gay, and talk about anythg at all. Book reveals Nixon's feelgs on gay people, women, Kissger.

Nixon tap shed new light on his views of women, gay people and Jews. A new book reveals former Print Richard Nixon's surprisg feelgs about women, gay people and Henry Kissger, CBS News senr Whe Hoe rrponnt Bill Plante reports. In April 1971, Richard Nixon proclaimed that he was sympathetic to the plight of gay people.

*BEAR-MAGAZINE.COM* HENRY KISSINGER GAY

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23.9508V2.95081H14V3.93211H6V22.1845L12.5 18.5536L19 22.1845V8.83866H20V23.9508Z" fill="black"></path><path class="in-bookmark-stroke" d="M23 3H20V0H19V3H16V4H19V7H20V4H23V3Z" fill="black"></path></svg></div></a></li></ul></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM eHLzLy grid--em"><div class="SplScreenContentHearLeadWrapper-jYfGAC kBeEbL"><div data-ttid="ContentHearLeadAsset" class="SplScreenContentHearLeBlock-nUOA cwQiEB"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW jvZaPI rponsive-asset SplScreenContentHearLe-bGywFh gyNssY"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa SplScreenContentHearLe-bGywFh gyNssY rponsive-image"><source media="(max-width: 767px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w, 960w" siz="100vw"/><source media="(m-width: 768px)" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w, 960w, 1280w, 1600w, 1920w, 2240w" siz="100vw"/><img alt="Henry Kissger." class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src="></picture></span></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK eRggVV 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Recent works the vast lerature on him have qutned fundamental assumptns about his outlook.</span><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ CaptnCred-ejegDm iUEiRd iicloT jbIJNS ptn__cred">Photograph by Youf Karsh</span></div></div></div></hear></div><div data-attribute-verso-pattern="article-body" class="ArticlePageContentBackGround-cNiFNN kbAoLA article-body__ntent"><div class="ActnBarWrapperContent-lasBkU cAHp"><div class="ActnBarWrapperComponent-cjwxLS bEeSLb"><div data-attr-viewport-monor="" class="ActnBarWrapper-dhxmQh kNjTbQ viewport-monor-anchor"><button id="bookmark" aria-label="Save this story" class="ActnBarButton-dyFOZU hQrwCF bookmark large-screen"><span class="ActnBarSendaryButtonPrimaryIn-isbvyN cAwccV bookmark-button-in"><svg class="in in-bookmark" width="24" height="24" viewBox="0 0 24 24" fill="none" xmlns="><tle>Save this story</tle><path class="in-bookmark-fill" d="M20 23.9508L12.5 19.7312L5 23.9508V2.95081H14V3.93211H6V22.1845L12.5 18.5536L19 22.1845V8.83866H20V23.9508Z"></path><path class="in-bookmark-fill" d="M23 3H20V0H19V3H16V4H19V7H20V4H23V3Z"></path></svg></span><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ ActnBarButtonText-bYXYuh iUEiRd bkefvo gkccfO">Save this story</span></button></div><div data-attr-viewport-monor="" class="ActnBarWrapper-dhxmQh kAEsuD viewport-monor-anchor"><button id="bookmark" aria-label="Save this story" class="ActnBarButton-dyFOZU cjjxgx bookmark mobile"><span class="ActnBarSendaryButtonPrimaryIn-isbvyN cAwccV bookmark-button-in"><svg class="in in-bookmark" width="24" height="24" viewBox="0 0 24 24" fill="none" xmlns="><tle>Save this story</tle><path class="in-bookmark-fill" d="M20 23.9508L12.5 19.7312L5 23.9508V2.95081H14V3.93211H6V22.1845L12.5 18.5536L19 22.1845V8.83866H20V23.9508Z"></path><path class="in-bookmark-fill" d="M23 3H20V0H19V3H16V4H19V7H20V4H23V3Z"></path></svg></span><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ ActnBarButtonText-bYXYuh iUEiRd bkefvo gkccfO">Save this story</span></button></div></div></div><div class="LightboxWrapper-dxsWBV hhylRt"><div class="ArticlePageChunksContent-etcMtP bwyLBj"><div data-ttid="ArticlePageChunks" class="ArticlePageChunks-fLyCVG Uozmo"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><figure data-ttid="IameEmbed" class="IameEmbedWrapper-sc-dRedg cjyRVU iame-embed"><div data-ttid="IameEmbedContaer" class="IameEmbedContaer-hptgUZ fXVBaX"><div class="IameEmbedAspectRatWrapper-hFVJps BKpgQ"><iame class="IameEmbedContent-cMdiev csnuAY IameEmbedContent lazyload" height="90" width="100%" sandbox="allow-scripts allow-same-orig allow-popups" tle="Embedd Frame" data-src=" allowfullscreen="" allow="toplay *; encrypted-media *; clipboard-wre; toplay; fullscreen; picture--picture"></iame></div></div></figure><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">In 1952, at the age of twenty-eight, <a href=">Henry Kissger</a> did what enterprisg graduate stunts do when they want to hedge their amic future: he started a magaze. He picked an imposg name—<em>Confluence</em>—and enlisted illtr ntributors: <a href=">Hannah Arendt</a>, Raymond Aron, Lillian Smh, Arthur Schlger, Jr., Rehold Niebuhr. The publisher Jam Lghl, who was a backer of the magaze, scribed the young Kissger as “a thoroughly scere person (terribly earnt Germanic type) who is tryg his harst to do an ialistic job.” Like his other early productn, the Harvard Internatnal Semar, a summer program that nvened participants om around the world—Kissger gamely volunteered to spy on atten for the F.B.I.—the magaze opened channels for him not only wh policymakers Washgton but also wh an olr generatn of German Jewish thkers whose polil experience had been formed the early thirti, when the Weimar Republic was supplanted by the Nazi regime.</p><p class="paywall">For Cold War liberals, who saw the stirrgs of fascism everythg om McCarthyism to the rise of mass culture, Weimar was a utnary tale, nferrg a certa thory on those who had survived. Kissger cultivated the Weimar tellectuals, but he was not imprsed by their prospects for fluence. Although he later voked the memory of Nazism to jtify all manner of power plays, at this stage he was buildg a reputatn as an all-Amerin maverick. He appalled the émigrés by nng an article <em>Confluence</em> by Ernst von Salomon, a far-rightist who had hired a getaway driver for the men who assassated the Weimar Republic’s foreign mister. “I have now joed you as a rdal villa the liberal monology,” Kissger told a iend afterward, jokg that the piece was beg taken as “a symptom of my totalarian and even Nazi sympathi.”</p><div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--article-mid-ntent" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--article-mid-ntent nsumer-marketg-un__slot---ntent"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><p class="paywall">For more than sixty years, Henry Kissger’s name has been synonymo wh the foreign-policy doctre lled “realism.” In his time as natnal-secury adviser and Secretary of State to Print Richard Nixon, his willgns to speak ankly about the U.S.’s pursu of power a chaotic world brought him both acclaim and notoriety. Afterward, the se agast him built, bolstered by a stream of classified documents chroniclg actns across the globe. Seymour Hersh, “<a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">The Price of Power</a>” (1983), portrayed Kissger as an unhged paranoiac; Christopher Hchens, “<a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">The Trial of Henry Kissger</a>” (2001), styled his attack as a charge sheet for prosecutg him as a war crimal.</p><p class="paywall">But Kissger, now approachg his nety-seventh birthday, no longer spir such wispread loathg. As former crics crept toward the polil center and rose to power themselv, passns oled. Hillary Clton, who, as a law stunt at Yale, volly opposed Kissger’s bombg of Cambodia, has scribed the “astute observatns” he shared wh her when she was Secretary of State, wrg an effive review of his most recent book that “Kissger is a iend.” Durg one of the 2008 Printial bat, John McCa and Barack Obama each ced Kissger as supportg their (oppose) postur toward Iran. <a href=">Samantha Power</a>, the most celebrated cric of the U.S.’s failure to halt genocis, was not above receivg the Henry A. Kissger Prize om him.</p><p class="paywall">Kissger has proved fertile ground for historians and publishers. There are psychoanalytic studi, tell-alls by former girliends, pendiums of his quotatns, and bs books about his almakg. Two of the most signifint recent asssments appeared 2015: the first volume of Niall Fergon’s <a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">thorized bgraphy</a>, which appraised Kissger sympathetilly om the right, and Greg Grand’s “<a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Kissger’s Shadow</a>,” which approached him crilly om the left. From opposg perspectiv, they nverged qutng the profundy of Kissger’s realism. In Fergon’s acunt, Kissger enters as a young ialist who follows every postwar foreign-policy fashn and repeatedly attach himself to the wrong Printial ndidat, until he fally gets lucky wh Nixon. Grand’s Kissger, spe speakg the language of realists—“credibily,” “lkage,” “balance of power”—has a view of realy so valier as to be radilly relativist.</p><p class="paywall">Barry Gewen’s new book, “<a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">The Inevabily of Tragedy</a>” (Norton), belongs to the neher-revile-him-nor-revere-him school of Kissgerology. “No one has thought more eply about ternatnal affairs,” Gewen wr, and adds, “Kissger’s thkg ns so unter to what Amerins believe or wish to believe.” Gewen, an edor at the New York <em>Tim Book Review</em>, trac Kissger’s most momento foreign-policy cisns to his experience as “a child of Weimar.” Although Gewen is aware of the pfalls of attributg too much to a regime that llapsed before his subject’s tenth birthday, he is fascated by the nnectns between Kissger and his émigré elrs, whose experienc of liberal mocracy ma them fear mocracy’s pacy to unrme liberalism.</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Hez Kissger was born 1923 Fürth, a cy Bavaria. His fay fled to New York shortly before Kristallnacht, settlg Washgton Heights, a neighborhood wh so many German immigrants that was sometim known as the Fourth Reich. They spoke English at home, and Hez beme Henry. In his youth, he displayed few remarkable quali beyond enthiasm for Italian fensive soccer tactics and a knack for advisg his iends on their amoro explos. As a teen-ager, he worked a shavg-bsh factory before school, and aspired to bee an acuntant.</p><p class="paywall">In 1942, Kissger was drafted to the U.S. Army. At Camp Claiborne, Louisiana, he beiend Frz Kraemer, a German-Amerin private fifteen years his senr, whom Kissger would ll “the greatt sgle fluence on my formative years.” A Nietzschean firebrand to the pot of self-parody—he wore a monocle his good eye to make his weak eye work harr—Kraemer claimed to have spent the late Weimar years fightg both Communists and Nazi Brown Shirts the streets. He had doctorat polil science and ternatnal law, and pursued a promisg reer at the League of Natns before fleeg to the U.S., 1939. He warned Kissger not to emulate “cleverlg” tellectuals and their bloodls st-benef analys. Believg Kissger to be “milly attuned to history,” he told him, “Only if you do not ‘lculate’ will you really have the eedom which distguish you om the ltle people.”</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-1 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">For all the imputatns of Kissger’s Germanns, the lible experience of his youth was servg the 84th Infantry Divisn as swept through Europe. “He was more Amerin than I have ever seen any Amerin,” a ra relled. The work of the U.S. occupatn, wh s opportuni for quickly assumg posns of thory, thrilled him. In 1945, Kissger participated the liberatn of the Ahlem ncentratn mp, outsi Hanover, and earned a Bronze Star for his role breakg up a Gtapo sleeper cell.</p><figure class="AssetEmbedWrapper-eVDQiB byBkf asset-embed"><div class="AssetEmbedAssetContaer-eJxoAx dBHGoQ asset-embed__asset-ntaer"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kKwZhx rponsive-asset AssetEmbedRponsiveAsset-cXBNxi eCxVQK asset-embed__rponsive-asset"><div data-attr-viewport-monor="" class="RponsiveCartoonWrapper-iTMMjI eXTYsS rponsive-rtoon AssetEmbedRponsiveAsset-cXBNxi eCxVQK asset-embed__rponsive-asset viewport-monor-anchor"><a class="external-lk rponsive-rtoon__image-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa RponsiveCartoonImage-hzNqyc ikeCcH rponsive-rtoon__image rponsive-image"><noscript><img alt="A chsplayg puter asks to do a crossword stead." class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY rponsive-image__image" src=" srcSet=" 120w, 240w, 320w, 640w, 960w, 1280w, 1600w" siz="100vw"/></noscript></picture></a><div class="CaptnWrapper-jSZdqE gdZTpI ptn RponsiveCartoonCaptn-dokfdF hJgaLQ rponsive-rtoon__ptn"><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ CaptnText-bHjzlu iUEiRd hWyo bsWloa ptn__text">“It says wants to do a crossword.”</span></div><div class="CaptnWrapper-jSZdqE iTuhkZ ptn RponsiveCartoonCred-bKlQqO faLAFb rponsive-rtoon__cred"><span class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ CaptnCred-ejegDm iUEiRd iicloT bmQtfn ptn__cred">Cartoon by Charlie Hank</span></div><div class="RponsiveCartoonCTA-eiqqMB iDCQRs"><div class="RponsiveCartoonCTAWrapper-CYIqa iTbFtf"><div class="RponsiveCartoonLkButtonWrapper-hqDAJK eSEhbj"><button aria-label="Copy lk to rtoon" class="BaseButton-bLlsy ButtonWrapper-xCepQ bqVKKv YsOBB button button--primary-pair RponsiveCartoonInButton-hBCBMq lpsjql" data-event-click="{"element":"Button"}" data-ttid="Button" type="button"><span 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20C8.48424 20 8.03652 19.5523 8.03652 19C8.03652 18.4477 8.48424 18 9.03652 18C9.58881 18 10.0365 18.4477 10.0365 19ZM11.0365 19C11.0365 20.1046 10.1411 21 9.03652 21C7.93195 21 7.03652 20.1046 7.03652 19C7.03652 17.8954 7.93195 17 9.03652 17C10.1411 17 11.0365 17.8954 11.0365 19ZM18.0365 19C18.0365 19.5523 17.5888 20 17.0365 20C16.4842 20 16.0365 19.5523 16.0365 19C16.0365 18.4477 16.4842 18 17.0365 18C17.5888 18 18.0365 18.4477 18.0365 19ZM19.0365 19C19.0365 20.1046 18.1411 21 17.0365 21C15.932 21 15.0365 20.1046 15.0365 19C15.0365 17.8954 15.932 17 17.0365 17C18.1411 17 19.0365 17.8954 19.0365 19Z" fill="black"></path></g><fs><clipPath id="clip0_3732_178638"><rect width="24" height="24" fill="whe"></rect></clipPath><clipPath id="clip1_3732_178638"><rect width="24" height="24" fill="whe"></rect></clipPath></fs></svg></div></button></div></div></div></span></div></figure><p class="paywall">In 1947, Kissger enrolled at Harvard on the G.I. Bill, tendg to study polil science and English lerature. He found a send mentor, William Yanll Elltt, a well-nnected history profsor om the Wasp éle, who advised a seri of U.S. Prints on ternatnal affairs. The young Kissger was drawn ls to the classic exponents of Realpolik, such as Clsewz and Bismarck, than to “philosophers of history” like Kant and anatomists of civilizatnal y such as Arnold Toynbee and Oswald Spengler. From the thkers, Kissger bbled together his own view of how history operated. It was not a story of liberal progrs, or of class nscns, or of cycl of birth, matury, and cle; rather, was “a seri of meangls cints,” fleetgly given shape by the applitn of human will. As a young fantryman, Kissger had learned that victors ransacked history for analogi to gild their triumphs, while the vanquished sought out the historil of their misfortune.</p><div class="Contaer-bkChBi byNLHx"></div><p class="paywall">Fergon and Grand both seize on one sentence Kissger’s unrgraduate this, tled “The Meang of History”: “The realm of eedom and necsy n not be renciled except by an ward experience.” Such a eply subjective world view might seem surprisg Kissger, but French existentialism had arrived at Harvard, and the this ced Jean-Pl Sartre. Both Sartre and Kissger believed that moraly was termed by actn. But for Sartre actn created the possibily of dividual and llective rponsibily, whereas for Kissger moral termacy was a ndn of human eedom.</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">In 1951, while pursug graduate studi, Kissger worked as a nsultant wh the Army’s Operatns Rearch Office, where he beme faiar wh the Defense Department’s penchant for psychologil warfare. To Kissger’s peers at Harvard, tailorg their résumés to the needs of the U.S. secury state, his doctoral work—on the Congrs of Vienna and s nsequenc—seemed whimsilly antiquarian. But his published dissertatn voked thermonuclear weapons s first sentence, and prented rears Washgton wh an unmistakable historil analogy: the Brish and Atrian Empir’ efforts to nta Napoleon’s France held lsons for alg wh the Soviet Unn.</p><p class="paywall">Kissger is sometim lled the Amerin Metternich, a reference to the Atrian statman who fed the post-Napoleonic peace. But here, weighg the reers of the men he wrote about, he strsed the limatns of Metternich as a mol:</p><blockquote class="BlockquoteEmbedWrapper-sc-SdiGL jPeLne paywall blockquote-embed"><div class="BlockquoteEmbedContent-RbGs gmbtPx blockquote-embed__ntent"><p>Lackg Metternich is the attribute which has enabled the spir to transcend an impasse at so many cris of history: the abily to ntemplate an abyss, not wh the tachment of a scientist, but as a challenge to overe—or perish the procs. . . . For men bee myths, not by what they know, nor even by what they achieve, but by the tasks they set themselv.</p></div></blockquote><p class="paywall">Kissger was takg a swipe at the bright-eyed social scientists around him, who thought that the adly nontatn of the Cold War uld be solved wh empiril and behavral mols, rather than wh existential swagger.</p><p class="paywall">In 1954, Harvard did not offer Kissger the junr profsorship he had hoped for, but the an of the faculty, McGee Bundy, remend him to the Council on Foreign Relatns, where Kissger started managg a study group on nuclear weapons. In Eisenhower-era Washgton, a h take on nuclear weapons uld make your name. In 1957, Kissger published the book that tablished him as a public figure, “<a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy</a>.” It argued that the Eisenhower Admistratn need to steel self to e tactil nuclear weapons nventnal wars. To rerve nuclear weapons only for doomsday scenars left the U.S. unable to rpond cisively to cremental Soviet cursns. Kissger tend his this to be provotive, and uld not have known that Eisenhower’s Jot Chiefs of Staff had been tellg the Print much the same thg for years.</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><asi class="PersistentAsiWrapper-VGrR daRVRt persistent-asi" style="posn:absolute;top:to;height:to" data-ttid="PersistentAsiWrapper"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--rail"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--rail" data-no-id="kbhral"></div></div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--display-rail" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--display-rail"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></asi></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="2w4ib8"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">By the late fifti, Kissger did not need to choose whether to be an amic, a public tellectual, a burecrat, or a polician. Each sphere of activy enhanced his value the others. He was a sought-after nsultant to Printial ndidat; assumg that Ameri’s Wasp aristocracy offered the likelit path to power, he spent years tutorg Nelson Rockefeller foreign policy. In 1961, Bundy, who had bee Print John F. Kennedy’s natnal-secury adviser, hired Kissger as a nsultant. Kissger also fally got tenure at Harvard. Members of the faculty objected that his nuclear-weapons book was unscholarly, but Bundy phed the appotment through, persuadg the Ford Foundatn to put up money for his profsorship.</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">Kissger is hard to place among the foreign-policy thkers of his time. Do he belong wh Ameri’s most idsyncratic and brilliant strategists, such as Gee Kennan and Nicholas Spykman? Typilly, he is tegorized wh lser “fense tellectuals,” such as Hans Speier and Albert Wohlstetter. The men moved fluidly between lecture halls and <em class="small">RAND</em> Corporatn laboratori, where they plaed about stunt protters and gave alarmg sli-show prentatns about nuclear apolypse.</p><p class="paywall">Gewen prefers to put Kissger among the more high-md Weimar émigrés, although the “fay remblanc” he fds are hard to p down. Arendt never warmed to him, but they shared a disappotment about the U.S.’s early performance the Cold War. In her book “On Revolutn,” Arendt worried that post-lonial natns, rather than choosg to py Amerin polil stutns, were followg the Communist script of enomic liberatn through revolutn. Kissger argued that the U.S. need to better broadst s iology, and he did so wh an evangelil fervor that went beyond anythg Arendt tend. “A palist society, or, what is more tertg to me, a ee society, is a more revolutnary phenomenon than neteenth-century socialism,” Kissger said, an terview wh Mike Wallace, 1958. “I thk we should go on the spirual offensive.” This was the impulse not of a cril tellectual but of someone who did not qutn the Amerin global missn.</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-2 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">The émigré closer viewpot to Kissger was Hans Menth, the father of morn foreign-policy realism. The two met at Harvard and mataed a profsnal iendship that waxed and waned over the s. “There was no thker who meant more to Kissger than Menth,” Gewen wr. Like Kissger, Menth had bee well known wh a popular book about foreign policy, “<a data-offer-url=" class="external-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Polics Among Natns</a>” (1948). And he shared Kissger’s belief that foreign policy uld not be left to technocrats wh flowcharts and statistics. But, unlike Kissger, Menth was unwillg to sacrifice his realist prcipl for polil fluence. In the mid-sixti, workg as a nsultant for the Johnson Admistratn, he was publicly cril of the Vietnam War, which he believed jeopardized Ameri’s stat as a great power, and Johnson had him fired.</p><p class="paywall">Menth and Kissger both risted scribg themselv as practners of Realpolik—Kissger reiled at the term—but Realpolik has proved a remarkably flexible ncept ever sce emerged, neteenth-century Pssia. Polil thkers grapplg wh Pssia’s rise on a ntent crowd wh petg powers propound several stras of strategic thought. In an creasgly bourgeois society, diplomacy uld no longer be tailored to the whims and rivalri of a royal urt; pnt foreign policy required marshallg everythg at a state’s disposal—public support, merce, law— orr to project the image of power toward s rivals. The irony is that the doctr were at root an attempt to dify somethg that their adherents believed Anglo-Amerin statmen already did stctively. “We Germans wre fat volum about <em>Realpolik</em> but unrstand no better than babi a nursery,” the <em>New Republic</em> edor Walter Weyl relled beg told by a German profsor durg the First World War. “You Amerins unrstand far too well to talk about .”</p><p class="paywall">Ameri has never been short of statmen pable of munitg their visn of the natnal tert to the public. If Kissger was a realist, was this sense—of makg the image-management aspect of foreign policy a prry. Menth, though also fixated on the reputatn of a state’s power, believed that that reputatn uld not diverge too much om a state’s abily to exercise s power. If the U.S. upset this lite equilibrium, as he believed was dog Vietnam, other stat, more realist their asssment, would take advantage. The bt a realist uld do was adapt to suatns, workg toward a narrowly fed natnal tert, while other natns worked toward theirs. Ialistic notns about the advancement of humany had no place his scheme. For Menth, Gewen wr, “war was not evable ternatnal affairs,” but “the preparatn for war was.” Wars waged by realists would be ls stctive than on waged by ialists who believed themselv to be fightg for universal peace.</p><p class="paywall">Menth was disappoted when Kissger fend the Vietnam War public, spe havg privately admted to him that the U.S. uld not w. It took Kissger’s close ntemporary the polil theorist Sheldon Wol—another son of Jewish émigrés who fought the war and studied at Harvard wh William Yanll Elltt—to fully dissect Kissger’s reerist stcts. On the surface, Wol observed, Kissger would have appeared a mismatch for the anti-élist Nixon. But the pairg was perfect: Nixon need someone who uld elevate his opportunism to a higher plane of purpose and make him feel like a great figure the drama of history. As Wol wrote, “What uld have been more fortg to that barren and articulate soul than to hear the thorative voice of Dr. Kissger, who spoke so often and knowgly about the ‘meang of history.’ ” Later, Kissger liked to mentn his qualms about takg the job wh Nixon: he’d been so succsful at mobilizg his amic pedigree Washgton that he might well have been appoted to the same posn even if the Democratic ndidate, Hubert Humphrey, had bee Print stead.</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">As early as 1965, on his first vis to Vietnam, Kissger had nclud that the war there was a lost e, and Nixon believed the same. Yet they nspired to prolong even before reachg the Whe Hoe. Durg the Paris peace talks, 1968, Kissger, who was there as a nsultant, passed rmatn about the negotiatns to the Nixon mpaign, which started to fear that Johnson’s progrs toward a settlement would brg the Democrats electoral victory. Nixon’s mpaign then ed this rmatn private talks wh the South Vietname to dissua them om takg part the talks.</p><p class="paywall">Havg won the electn promisg “an honorable end to the war,” Nixon wanted to appear to be pursu of peace while still flictg enough damage on North Vietnam to achieve ncsns. In March, 1969, he and Kissger began a secret bombg mpaign Cambodia, which was a stagg ground for the Vietng and the North Vietname. In four years, the U.S. ary dropped more bombs on Cambodia than had the entire Pacific theatre durg the Send World War. The mpaign killed an timated hundred thoand civilians, hastened the rise of Pol Pot, and irrevobly ravaged large tracts of untrysi. It also fell so far short of s strategic aims that more than one historian has wonred whether Kissger—who personally tweaked the schl of the bombg ns and the allotn of plan—had some other motive. But, as Grand wr, “he had built his own perpetual motn mache; the purpose of Amerin power was to create an awarens of Amerin purpose.”</p><p class="paywall">Gewen ocsnally fends Kissger’s rerd more strenuoly than Kissger himself has done. He argu that the claims about the need to mata “credibily” were rooted legimate ncerns about securg a U.S.-led global orr. But, as Menth saw, Kissger’s argument rted on a disastro mislculatn of Ameri’s paci. How would the credibily of the Uned Stat be enhanced by draggg out a war agast a fourth-rate power? How, to paraphrase John Kerry, do you ask thirty thoand Amerin soldiers to die so that the thirty thoand soldiers before them will not have died va?</p><figure class="AssetEmbedWrapper-eVDQiB byBkf asset-embed"><div class="AssetEmbedAssetContaer-eJxoAx dBHGoQ asset-embed__asset-ntaer"><span class="SpanWrapper-umhxW kKwZhx rponsive-asset AssetEmbedRponsiveAsset-cXBNxi eCxVQK asset-embed__rponsive-asset"><div data-attr-viewport-monor="" class="RponsiveCartoonWrapper-iTMMjI eXTYsS rponsive-rtoon AssetEmbedRponsiveAsset-cXBNxi eCxVQK asset-embed__rponsive-asset viewport-monor-anchor"><a class="external-lk rponsive-rtoon__image-lk" data-event-click="{"element":"ExternalLk","outgogURL":"" href=" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"><picture class="RponsiveImagePicture-cWuUZO dUOtEa RponsiveCartoonImage-hzNqyc ikeCcH rponsive-rtoon__image rponsive-image"><noscript><img alt="A t stg a rdboard box speaks to a t stg a paper bag." class="RponsiveImageContaer-eybHBd fptoWY 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class="AlertArrow-daOgye AlLda alert-arrow"></div><div class="BaseWrap-sc-gjQpdd BaseText-ewhhUZ AlertMsage-jgAjgo bVCFRm ifgabc cxFROy alert-msage"><p aria-hidn="te">Lk pied</p></div></div></div><button aria-label="Shop" class="BaseButton-bLlsy ButtonWrapper-xCepQ bqVKKv YsOBB button button--primary-pair RponsiveCartoonInButton-hBCBMq lpsjql" data-event-click="{"element":"Button"}" data-ttid="Button" type="button"><span class="ButtonLabel-cjAuJN bBWXSg button__label">Shop</span><div class="ButtonInWrapper-gFdzAL bPDyTT button__in-ntaer"><svg class="in in-rt" width="24" height="24" viewBox="0 0 24 24" fill="none" xmlns="><tle>Shop</tle><g clip-path="url(#clip0_3732_178638)"><path fill-le="evenodd" clip-le="evenodd" d="M4 3H2V4H4.23828L6.99617 15.2631C7.11483 15.6982 7.50998 16 7.96094 16H18.0365C18.4875 16 18.8826 15.6982 19.0013 15.2631L20.9648 7.26312C21.1383 6.62698 20.6594 6 20 6H10V7H20L18.0365 15H7.96094L5.03652 3H4.58055H4ZM10.0365 19C10.0365 19.5523 9.58881 20 9.03652 20C8.48424 20 8.03652 19.5523 8.03652 19C8.03652 18.4477 8.48424 18 9.03652 18C9.58881 18 10.0365 18.4477 10.0365 19ZM11.0365 19C11.0365 20.1046 10.1411 21 9.03652 21C7.93195 21 7.03652 20.1046 7.03652 19C7.03652 17.8954 7.93195 17 9.03652 17C10.1411 17 11.0365 17.8954 11.0365 19ZM18.0365 19C18.0365 19.5523 17.5888 20 17.0365 20C16.4842 20 16.0365 19.5523 16.0365 19C16.0365 18.4477 16.4842 18 17.0365 18C17.5888 18 18.0365 18.4477 18.0365 19ZM19.0365 19C19.0365 20.1046 18.1411 21 17.0365 21C15.932 21 15.0365 20.1046 15.0365 19C15.0365 17.8954 15.932 17 17.0365 17C18.1411 17 19.0365 17.8954 19.0365 19Z" fill="black"></path></g><fs><clipPath id="clip0_3732_178638"><rect width="24" height="24" fill="whe"></rect></clipPath><clipPath id="clip1_3732_178638"><rect width="24" height="24" fill="whe"></rect></clipPath></fs></svg></div></button></div></div></div></span></div></figure><p class="paywall">As was, each succsive Amerin iative erod credibily rather than rerced . Not even the Christmas bombg of North Vietnam, 1972, the largt of the war, uld nvce the North Vietname to renegotiate. The young Foreign Service officer John Negroponte offered a wry postmortem, which Kissger never fave: “We bombed the North Vietname to acceptg our ncsns.”</p><p class="paywall">Gewen also fends Kissger’s ia that every polil event anywhere the world mands a rponse somewhere else, a view that, practice, ma every pawn appear to be a threatened queen. When Nixon and Kissger backed the Pakistani Print Yahya Khan’s genocidal mpaign agast East Pakistan, 1971, they did so to show the Soviets that Ameri was “tough.” Four years later, Kissger’s sign-off on the Indonian Print Suharto’s genocidal mpaign East Timor was meant to signal that Ameri would unqutngly reward those who had cimated Communists wh their reach. In retrospect, the notn that everythg Ameri did would be duly registered and rpond to by s opponents and iends seems like an exprsn of geopolil narcissism. At the time, the thirty-three-year-old senator Joe Bin acced Kissger, at a Senate hearg, of tryg to promulgate “a global Monroe Doctre.”</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan full-bleed-ad row-mid-ntent-ad"><div class="StickyMidContentAdWrapper-fSBzwl drzyIa ad-stickymidntent"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--mid-ntent should-hold-space"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--mid-ntent" data-no-id="vd0peb"></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 ArticlePageChunksGrid-hfxa bjczjj grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="BodyWrapper-kufPGa bDyAMU body body__ntaer article__body" data-journey-hook="client-ntent" data-ttid="BodyWrapper"><div class="body__ner-ntaer"><p class="paywall">Given Gewen’s sistence on Kissger’s realism, is odd that he do not dwell more on the most pragmatic episos his reer—the pursu of détente wh the Soviet Unn, the openg of relatns wh Cha, and the velopment of “shuttle diplomacy” to nta the 1973 Arab-Israeli war—which are still wily celebrated as major diplomatic achievements. Détente required Kissger to prevail over hard-ler views of the Soviet learship as iologu bent on world domatn and to see Leonid Brezhnev’s Kreml as populated by ratnal actors. Instead, Gewen often seems drawn to fend Kissger at the pots his reer where fense is harst. He opens the book wh a long chapter on U.S. volvement Chile, which culmated a up, 1973. When Chile elected the socialist Salvador Allen as Print, 1970, Nixon and Kissger rolved to remove him. The fact that Allen was popularly elected ma him only more dangero their ey. “I don’t see why we have to stand by and watch a untry go Communist bee of the irrponsibily of s own people,” Kissger observed. Gewen thks this quip ptur the tragic dilemma of Kissger’s relatnship to mocracy and power. “The statement looks a lot different if one has the rise of Adolf Hler md,” Gewen wr, and suggts that socialist Chile should be grouped wh the Weimar Republic as exampl of a people votg themselv out of a mocracy. Gewen lists the ss and foibl of Allen—cludg “pernic” wage creas for workers and doctratg the young the “valu of socialist humanism”—but whholds such scty om his succsor, the right-wg dictator General Augto Pochet, whose power the U.S. helped nsolidate, and who, if one has the rise of Hler md, seems rather more germane.</p><div data-attr-viewport-monor="le-recirc" class="le-recirc-wrapper le-recirc-observer-target-3 viewport-monor-anchor"></div><p class="paywall">Siarly qutnable is Gewen’s assertn that “what nnot be dismissed is the Nixon/Kissger worry that Chile unr Allen was a pavg stone on the road to Soviet hegemony.” In fact, the Soviet Unn had sled back s rivalry wh the U.S. the velopg world, where unterg Cha now diluted s rourc. The Cuban missile crisis, 1962, and a failed attempt to tablish a submare base Cuba, eight years later, had soured any hope for velopg a te proxy state Lat Ameri. The Kreml learship was reluctant to crease the ptance sent to Chile, knowg that Allen would spend on badly need Amerin imports.</p><p class="paywall">If Allen did reprent a threat, was almost certaly ls to do wh any Soviet ambns than wh his own powerful arguments for a global distributn of rourc far beyond anythg that Washgton was prepared to untenance. Unlike Menth and Kennan, who saw the non-dtrial world as a backwater not worth Ameri’s attentn, Kissger nsired Third World socialism a ser foe, pable of disturbg the U.S.’s lite face-off wh the Soviet Unn. He and Nixon assumed, rrectly, that they uld back a up agast Allen wh mimal fs, jt as Eisenhower, two s before, had rid Guatemala of s mocratilly elected Print, Jabo Árbenz. Still, the spectacle of Allen’s removal had one untend nsequence: l the wick of one of Kissger’s most durable annoyanc, the global human-rights movement.</p><p class="has-dropp has-dropp__lead-standard-headg paywall">In 1972, when the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci asked Kissger to expla his populary, he said, “The ma pot aris om the fact that I’ve always acted alone.” Crics and fenrs alike tend to accept this self-asssment, but his rerd shows a more mundane figure who assiated prevailg foreign-policy assumptns. His most ntroversial mov have clear precursors. Print Johnson had secretly bombed Cambodia, too, and, 1965, he ndoned Suharto’s genoci Indonia, which sle outstripped the one Kissger approved East Timor. The U.S.-backed terventns prefigurg Allen’s removal clu dozens Lat Ameri and the Caribbean alone.</p><p class="paywall">Sce leavg office, too, Kissger has rarely challenged nsens, let alone offered the kd of nvenient asssments that characterized the later reer of Gee Kennan, who warned Print Clton agast <em class="small">NATO</em> expansn after the Soviet Unn’s llapse. It is stctive to measure Kissger’s stcts agast those of a te realist, such as the Universy of Chigo polil scientist John Mearsheimer. As the Cold War end, Mearsheimer was so mted to the “balance of power” prciple that he ma the strikg suggtn of allowg nuclear proliferatn a unified Germany and throughout Eastern Europe. Kissger, unable to see beyond the horizon of the Cold War, uld not image any other purpose for Amerin power than the pursu of global supremacy.</p><p class="paywall">Although he has cricized the terventnism of neonservativ, there is srcely a U.S. ary adventure, om Panama to Iraq, that has not met wh his approval. In all his medatns on world orr, he has not thought about how ntgent and unforeen Ameri’s rise as global superpower actually was. Nothg the untry’s republin tradn prr to the Send World War mand .</p><p class="paywall">Although Kissger may not have origated the precepts for which he is bt known, is hard to fd discsns of them that don’t refer to his reer. As Grand has poted out, Vice-Print Dick Cheney’s one-per-cent doctre—the ia that a state has to act agast enemi if there’s even the mert chance that they n harm —is thoroughly Kissgerian, and when Karl Rove reputedly said, “We create our own realy,” he was echog words of Kissger’s om forty years before. In 2010, the Obama Admistratn’s lawyers ed the precent of Nixon and Kissger’s cursns to Cambodia as part of their argument to tablish the legal basis for drone killgs of Amerin terrorist spects who were outsi the battlefield of Afghanistan. A Jtice Department <a href=">memo</a> argued that ary actn plac like Yemen was jtified when regnized threats had already spread there. The Tmp Admistratn’s recent assassatn of the Iranian manr <a href=">Qassem Suleimani</a>, apparently tend to terrify the Iranians to ceasg Middle East operatns, nforms to Kissger’s obssn wh “credibily.”</p><p class="paywall">“Historians uld learn a great al about the years after World War II simply by studyg the vicissus of Kissger’s celebry,” Gewen hazards toward the end of his book. One uld go further: the ma display of Kissger’s “realism” was the management of his own fame, his transformatn of a nventnal performance to a symbol of diplomatic virtuosy. It n sometim seem as if there has been an unnsc pact between Kissger and many of his tractors. If all the ss of the U.S. secury state n be load onto one man, all parti get what they need: Kissger’s stat as a world-historic figure is assured, and his crics n regard his foreign policy as the exceptn rather than the le. It would be fortg to believe that Amerin liberals are pable of seeg that polics is more than a matter of personal style, and that the rerd will prevail, but the endurg cult of Kissger pots to a ls palatable possibily: Kissger is . ♦</p></div></div></div><div class="GridItem-buujkM fVLMby grid--em grid-layout__asi"><div class="StickyBoxWrapper-jfYB jxBcTH sticky-box"><div class="StickyBoxPrimary-dzWDWL cdhYoN sticky-box__primary"><div class="AdWrapper-dQtivb fZrssQ ad ad--rail"><div class="ad__slot ad__slot--rail" data-no-id="5j90e"></div></div><div class="ConsumerMarketgUnThemedWrapper-iUTMTf jssHut nsumer-marketg-un nsumer-marketg-un--display-rail" role="prentatn" aria-hidn="te"><div class="nsumer-marketg-un__slot nsumer-marketg-un__slot--display-rail"></div><div class="journey-un"></div></div></div><div class="StickyBoxPlaceholr-grPmrg dxAvXx"></div></div></div></div></div><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 PaywallInleBarrierWhWrapperGrid-fyrGfS kLQIUk 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class="ContentFooterWrapper-jVNdRG dTJkpP ArticlePageContentFooterGrid-ccsXYy eMZRHU article-body__footer"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><footer class="ContentFooterMagazeDisclaimer-gzKAqo iZIuUU" data-ttid="MagazeDisclaimerWrapper">Published the prt edn of the <a href="/magaze/2020/05/18" data-reactroot="">May 18, 2020</a>, issue, wh the headle “The Wag of Realism.”</footer></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"></div></div></div><div class="RowWrapper-UmqTg HEhan"><div class="GridWrapper-cAzTTK kHBDeH grid grid-margs grid-ems-2 grid-layout--adrail narrow wi-adrail"><div class="GridItem-buujkM stRKV grid--em grid-layout__ntent"><div class="ContributorsWrapper-eNpWFu GWFsc 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