The Rabow Crcent: the Integratn of the Gay Turkish Communy Germany - Humany Actn

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GAY DICTNARY TURKISH

* gay in turkish language *

One of the lead characters is a gay woman, and as LGBTQ TV shows go, this one do a particularly good job highlightg issu of queer parentg, cludg relatns wh the sperm donor and brgg a same-genr partner to your baby’s life. LGBT people are currently not protected by law, and Ankara meanwhile, a prohibn on all LGBT activy has been the bad news out of the way, remas to be said that travellers who act wh discretn, gay and straight alike, are unlikely to experience any trouble while Turkey. Turkey’s most open-md cy, Gay Istanbul n easily be found the area around Taksim but be reful when explorg lser-veloped areas outsi of the centre, the tradnal muny of Tophane for example where tourists may not be weled que so Dpa Galani2.

'' Instead he gave them a photograph of himself kissg another hop this will give him what he needs - a "pk certifite", which will clare him homosexual and therefore exempt om ary the years, gay life has been beg more visible Turkey's big ci. Caf and clubs wh an openly gay clientele have been openg Istanbul, and last summer's gay pri march - unique the Mlim world - was the largt while there are no specific laws agast homosexualy Turkey, openly gay men are not wele the army.

''I had a fear of guns, '' he ptn, Last summer's gay pri march Istanbul was the largt ever held TurkeyAs a gay man he was also aaid of beg bullied, and after ltle more than a week he plucked up the urage to clare his sexual orientatn to his manr.

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Sometim, stead of photographs, doctors rely on a "personaly tt" Turkish army refed BBC requts for an terview, but a retired general, Armagan Kuloglu, agreed to gay men the army would e "disciplary problems", he says, and would be impractil creatg the need for "separate facili, separate dormori, showers, trag areas" says that if a gay man keeps his sexualy secret, he n serve - an echo of the US ary's recently dropped Don't Ask Don't Tell policy. "Doctors are g unr immense prsure om their manrs to diagnose homosexualy, and they obey, even though there really are no diagnostic tools to terme sexual orientatn, '' says one psychiatrist who formerly worked at a ary hospal.

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And next to that, brackets, ''homosexualy'''s ary hospals still fe homosexualy as an illns, takg a 1968 versn of a document by the Amerin Psychiatric Associatn as their people Turkey say wh rentment that gay men are actually lucky, as at least they have one possible route out of ary service - they don't have to spend months the barracks, or face the possibily of beg ployed to fight agast Kurdish for openly gay men, life n be far om is not unmon for employers Turkey to qutn job applints about their ary service - and a pk certifite n mean a job of Gokhan's employers found out about not by askg Gokhan himself but by askg the that, he says, he was bullied.

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“Indian Gay Ins: Queers Like Us, A Tribute to Indian Gay Ins” was scribed by Bombay Dost, a lol LGBT magaze, as “an exhibn of Indian gay ins featurg some of the te lears of the queer stggle who also spell excellence their profsn” (The Bombay Dost Team). In this article’s discsn of the Turkish gay ins popular culture and the ntemporary lbian and gay practic of visual rhetoric Turkey, I analyze three sets of ntemporary reprentatns and the acpanyg practic of visual rhetoric: 1) two Turkish celebri who are wily visible genr transgrsors Turkey: the late Zeki Muren (1931-1996), a flamboyant queer male sger, [2] and Bulent Ersoy, a male-to-female transsexual sger, both of whom Kaos GL rears voted “gay ins”; 2) the gay ins issue of Kaos GL, a Turkish LGBT muny magaze prt, which adapted the Wtern ncept of gay ins to the needs of the Turkish LGBT muny through a cril engagement wh the ncept; and 3) the llegiate lbian and gay fliers, webse, and “fanz” (Turkish transleratn for “fanze, ” i. In this manner, I monstrate that while visual rhetoric n empower non-Wtern lbian and gay populatns to rist the domant lol reprentatns of homosexualy and produce and dissemate affirmg alternativ, the medium utilized and the uneven ndns of productn and circulatn om one medium to another terme the extent of the relative fluence of existg reprentatns.

For Turkish lbian and gay dividuals the 1980s and 1990s, this search often began wh the genr-bendg celebri Zeki Muren and Bulent Ersoy, who appeared extensively on stage and mastream Turkish media on televisn, films, and newspapers. Yet, paradoxilly, this visibily did not mean that Turkish society accepted non-normative sexual and genr inti, cludg homosexualy, and the knowledge about sexual subcultur still remaed “fugive” spe the mass-mediated queer visibily of the two celebri.

From the perspective of the homosexual dience, however, as I discs the next sectn the ntext of Kaos GL‘s special issue on gay ins, Muren and Ersoy’s barga wh the heterosexist hegemony is seen as havg negative nsequenc for this particular segment of the Turkish dience, sce meant distancg, nial, and erasure of LGBT existence, fuelg heterosexism and homophobia Turkish society. ” However, this labelg of the Turkish ins on the top ten list piled by Kaos GL as “gay” refers to their fluence on the Turkish gay dience, pennt of whether or not they personally or publicly intify as beg gay or homosexual, or even profs any solidary wh the LGBT muny.

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In 2007, Kaos GL, a bimonthly publitn of the Kaos Gay and Lbian Cultural Rearch and Solidary Associatn Ankara, Turkey, voted s November/December issue to “Turkiye’n Gay Ikonlari” (Turkey’s Gay Ins). The magaze surveyed rears and published a list of the ten most popular gay ins Turkey. * gay in turkish language *

In fact, only two (male thors and poets Murathan Mungan and Kuc Iskenr) out of the ten people listed are known the gay muny to intify as gay; the remag eight ver a broar range of the genr and sexual spectm: a heterosexual male, heterosexual femal, a queer male (Zeki Muren), and a male-to-female transsexual (Bulent Ersoy), wh Muren and Ersoy beg historilly the most visible genr transgrsors and wily promoted ins the Turkish mass media, as discsed the prev sectn. While the (sometim multiple) pictur of the top four ins, Han Yener (female pop sger, seen Figure 3 on the ver of the issue), Ajda Pekkan (female pop sger), Murathan Mungan (gay male thor and poet), and Aysel Gurel (female pop songwrer), are promently featured as part of one-to-three-page articl about them, there are only two small (one ch by one ch) photos of Zeki Muren and Bulent Ersoy (the photos are the same imag I discsed the prev sectn).

The magaze’s edors published the photos next to the rears’ ments about why they view certa celebri, as opposed to others, as gay ins; the imag and the ments are prted a separate one-ch pk strip that ns across the bottom of the pag that clu the issue’s in-related articl. The paratively small size and the placement of the pictur of Muren and Ersoy downplays their importance visually, spe their beg historilly the most fluential and visible ins thanks to the mass media; some of the articl discs and cricize their ambivalence and ambiguy as “gay” ins tail.

GENR BENRS, GAY INS AND MEDIA: LBIAN AND GAY VISUAL RHETORIC TURKEY

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As for Zeki Muren, Guner, the same Kaos GL lumnist, lls him “our homophobic in” (41) and lks Muren and Ersoy’s legacy of distancg themselv om the LGBT muny to Tarkan, a younger pop mic sger who was also clud on the list of the top-ten gay ins. Most recently, Tarkan, a self-proclaimed heterosexual— the face of qutns about his sexual orientatn, not to mentn his naked pictur wh another male on the beach—adopted the same strategy of nformg to the Turkish public’s genr expectatns through statg, for stance, that homosexualy uld be cured through psychoanalysis.

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Consirg the issue’s troductn of the ncept of gay ins and s celebratn of the top ten ins (wh the notable exceptn of Muren and Ersoy), Ysel’s ments should not be viewed as the muny’s rejectn of the ncept self, or even of Muren and Ersoy for that matter, sce the rears who took the survey did vote for them. What Ysel’s ments nvey is that wh the ntext of Turkey, where homosexualy as a public intifitn the Wtern sense is a new phenomenon, the applitn of the ncept of gay ins as a purely affirmative ncept is not yet possible, pecially when the most visible and fluential gay ins never intified as homosexual or transgenr, rpectively, and liberately distanced themselv om the muny.

NETFLIX TURKEY NCELS NEW SERI WH GAY CHARACTER AFTER ERNMENT PRSURE

At the same time, however, Han Yener’s public self-alignment wh the gay muny uld be taken as a sign that thgs are changg, but is important to remember that Han Yener is heterosexual, while for other celebri, like Tarkan, is still risky to own their sexualy publicly. Fally, Kaos GL‘s special issue on gay ins reprents a liberate attempt to terfere wh and modify the tablished visual s of genr and sexualy, as dissemated by the mass media, through s troductn and adaptatn of the Wtern ncept of gay ins. From the begng, Legato’s clared missn of tablishg lbian and gay stunt clubs through activism on universy mp has necsated that stunt activists who grew up watchg Muren and Ersoy generate their own visual rhetoric for publicy on universy mp.

The discrepancy between the perceived queerns of Muren and Ersoy and their nial of the same queerns and cultivatn of a certa distance om the LGBT dience prevents Turkish lbians and gay men om pletely intifyg wh Muren and Ersoy as ins and role mols.

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The upshot of this discrepancy is what is lled “Zeki Muren syndrome” the Turkish gay muny, which is the overwhelmg perceptn of and anxiety about the evabily of a life of secrecy punctuated by the predictable, seemgly irreversible pattern of “effemate” behavr that Zeki Muren me to exemplify for all mal who suffered om the “disease” of homosexualy. As Tarik, a gay male terviewee, remarked ncerng the media attentn given to Muren and Ersoy, “the mass media stereotyp homosexualy and everyone to thk that only men are homosexuals and that all male homosexuals want to have a sex-change operatn and bee a woman. ” While male homosexualy, therefore, is monly perceived as femized masculy Turkey, and as such, as an stance of genr versn, the full exprsn of which is seen as plete transn and “generatn” to womanhood, the lbian existence is altogether nied.

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Legato’s visual rhetoric rpond to the surroundg cultural fluenc regardg genr and sexualy, and the early stag of this procs—om 2000, when Legato first started g the Inter to publicize s missn and rec members; to 2002, when the Legato webse was first lnched; to the summer of 2003, when the Legato “fanze” (fan magaze) was published and dissemated prt—produced a new, “straight-lookg” set of lbian and gay imag that were employed to fy the public’s heterosexist genr expectatns and the associated view of homosexualy as genr versn and a strictly male phenomenon.

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