Cum luptă Biseri Ortodoxă Română să ță gayii în temnițe încă d anii 90

LISTA PERSOANELOR PUBLICE SPRE RE SE șTIE Că SUNT GAY, LBIENE șI BISEXUALE

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Home Nou Lista persoanelor publice spre re se știe că sunt gay, lbiene și bisexualeO serie persoane publice spre re se bănuiește a fi LGBT sunt tens discutate pe Inter. Fără a mențna sursele, mai multi utilizatori entatori zvălu pe diverse se-uri / fom-uri rmații legate orientarile homosexuale ale mai multor celebrăți.

Deși sunt mențnate a fi gay personalăți d polică, precum Adrian Năstase, fomurile mai cuprd si diverși artiști s persoane publice, cum ar fi Petrică Mâțu Stoian s Mihai Gâ numeroasele celebrăţi se spune / se știe ja că sunt GAY (cliv actori, jurnaliști, cântăreți, signeri, actori etc.

Pr urmare, veridicatea afirmațiilor nu te cunoscută și lista te publită nform rmațiilor publite pe persoanelor publice spre re se discută s se știe că sunt gay, lbiene s bisexuale te următoarea:Adrian Năstase, polician (a fost bănu ar fi homosexual)Mircea Zara, prezentatorMihai Gâa, realizator programe televiziune (gay)Petrică Mâțu Stoian, terpret muzică popularăMircea Solnu, prezentator (gay)Dragoș Bucurenci, activist civicCatal Botezatu, signerDan Bălan, cântărețDo Iuga, moratorCatal Josan, cântărețMari Moga, cântăreț (gay)Randi, cântărețAndreea Bălan, cântăreață (bisexuală)Victor Slav, prezentator TVFuego, cântărețCătal Petre (Gatan), prezentator TV (a avut o relație lungă durată cu Mircea Zara)Mari Niță, jurnalist (a avut relații homosexuale la locul muncă)Do Todoț ( la Deepcentral)Mirabela Der, cântăreațăRl, cântărețGabriel Dorobanțu, cântărețCat Roman, moratorHoria Brenciu, artist (bisexual)Alexand Patrașcu – cântăreț muzică popularăRADU ARCALEAN, cântăreț muzică popularăCatal Petre (Gatan), prezentator TVLra Andreșan, cântăreațăRăzvan Cbanu, signer (gay)Tibi Sbla, cântărețDan Diancu, jurnalistBrianna Caradja, vetă TV (lbiană)Neculai Constant Munteanu, dizint antiunistDj WandaA. Roma of mory sexual and genr inti experience opprsn and stctural equaly both as Roma and as lbian, gay, bi, trans, tersex and queer-intified (LGBTIQ) due to the tersectnal lotn that they occupy society and the negative social valuatn of their non-normative ethnic/racial, sexual/genr and other inti (Fremlova, 2017).

CE îNSEAMNă Să FII GAY îN ROMâNIA, LA A LA Z

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I argue that the lived experienc of LGBTIQ Roma pose a fundamental challenge to one-dimensnal, sentialisg and homogenisg nceptualisatns of Romani inti. In this article, I e ‘queer’ to unpack LGBTIQ Roma’s experienc of how ‘marked’ sentialist inty tegori such as ‘Roma’, ‘woman’, ‘gay/lbian/bi’ or ‘trans’ put at a stctural disadvantage dividuals who self-intify (or are intified) as such, as opposed to ‘unmarked’ or ntral inty tegori such as ‘non-Roma/whe’, ‘man’, ‘straight/heteronormative’ or ‘cis’. The first foc group volved five Romani gay men and one Romani lbian woman; the send one volved three Romani lbian women.

Between September 2015 and November 2016, I nducted 14 -pth semi-stctured terviews wh 15 participants: three Romani lbian women; one Romani bi woman; one Romani queer-intified, straight woman; two Romani trans men; one Romani tersex person; two Romani/Traveller bi men; one Romani queer-intified man; and four Romani gay men. Tremlett (2009: 24) suggts the ncept of hybridy to acunt for the multifacetedns of Romani inti, ‘effectively mov[g] away om homogenisg terms’, and ‘super-diversy’ as the much-need shift ‘beyond ethnicy’ (Vertovec, 2007) whout losg sight of ethnicy, which has a ‘potential to engage more eply wh the diverse life experienc and stctural posngs of people’ (Tremlett, 2014: 831, 838).

GAY ROMANIA

Queer theorisg tak norms ‘beyond the heterosexual/homosexual bary to a age of queer theory as an approach that criqu the class, race and genr specific dimensns … that do not simply scribe and reify the spac of sexual “others”’ (Osw, 2008: 96). However, as a Roma person, I have bee ed to not beg let to gay clubs, as well as to other exprsns of antigypsyism by non-Romani gays. [People] regard homosexualy wh a more posive outlook, or they don’t see as such a big issue as opposed to Romani inty.

Romani lbian women’s existence be hidn and visible, rultg different treatment afford to Romani (lbian) women as opposed to some Romani (gay) men. Complementg Ana’s reference to stanc of forced marriage as a means of social ntrol employed to lim the lbian woman’s eedom is a siar narrative by a Romani gay man:. His narrative shows that gay men n also be unrprivileged by virtue of their sex/genr and sexualy, th makg them vulnerable to forced/arranged marriage as a means of social ntrol.

Domant social scripts are most often associated wh oppose-sex marriage, producg very specific effects for gay men too. Here, theorisg the experienc of Ana and Anton through the prism of queer tersectnali enabl to terrogate the tersectnal workgs of heteronormativy and patriarchy that operate through social ntrol, as well as their impact on the queer intifitns ma over time by the Romani lbian woman and the Romani gay man.

ACTIVISTS NMN VLENCE AGAST LGBTQ MUNY ST. VCENT, WHERE GAY SEX IS ILLEGAL

Fay, kship stctur and muny are key social safety s (San Román, 1975; Okely, 1975; Stewart, 1997; Gay y Blas, 1999; Mart and Gamella, 2005; Cahn, 2009; Tăr, 2012).

However, others may not abi by the social norms, or they may simply enable and validate the existence of LGBTIQ fay members: “In my fay, there are a uple of gays and I know of two lbians.

I remember my mum had gay iends” (Jolana); “My mum had sexual ntact wh women; she has a tattoo of a woman on her lower back” (Gabriela). Simultaneoly, some nservative fai may perceive non-heteronormative sexual inti (that is, beg lbian, gay or bi) as socially ‘unacceptable’ or ‘unnatural’ while they may view transng om one genr inty to another more favourably:.