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GAY LIBERATN FAILED

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All gay, all weekend, One Magil Weekend brgs together more than 6, 000 of your LGBT brothers and sisters June 6-8, 2014, for three Ma Event events. To hear Guy Hocquenghem’s thoughts on the matter, the gay liberatn movement exhsted self almost immediately simply by announcg self as such. Wh the nfsn “I’m gay, ” which Hocquenghem clared of himself the pag of Le Nouvel Observatr 1972, followed a mand for equal rights unr the state, mencg a procs of normalizatn—not liberatn but liberalizatn.

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We have heard the story of this pulatn ad fum, ls so s untend nsequenc, namely, as Hocquenghem saw , the further margalizatn of others formerly unr the umbrella of homosexualy—the trans woman, the effemate man, the crimal queer, the perast. “When homosexualy nfs self and ratnaliz self, ” he wr La dérive homosexuelle, “ tends to ph back to the shadows s old unrworld panns.

While Elman’s famo argument posns queerns as a disptn of the social orr whose future is a replay of the past, I want to argue that the gay movement, s wager of cln, fact helped create that very image of the child, rather than to challenge .

One part of the story of gay liberatn’s failure n be seen s parallel velopment alongsi the women’s movement, which helps illtrate how an apparent aim for liberatn ends up feedg the power of the state. In France, for example, the Front Homosexuel d’Actn Révolutnnaire started 1971 as a lbian-led group spired by the Mouvement pour la Libératn s Femm. Wh a few years, though, the group actured over disagreements about sex: the lbians were trated that the gay men had turned meetgs to a cisg ground, while the men thought the women too moralistic about sex.

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But beyond this, Hocquenghem felt that the gay movement quickly refashned self to an “equal” rponse to femism, a mascule liberatn other words, fed by an uncril and unbridled passn for macho masculy. Hocquenghem not that the polil longevy of both the gay and women’s movement, the Uned Stat particular, aris om their claim to the right to privacy, which, as Hocquenghem wr, “tends to bee an immense system of pensatns between subgroups, fed by the risks that they n and the on they make others risk. From our current vantage pot, amid a rurgent pedophilia panic, when we look back at the early years of the gay liberatn movement, we evably nont the figure of the perast.

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Prr to the 1980s the “boy lover” was nsired a sexual type, albe even then one that phed the bounds of the acceptable—at least terms of explicly stated beliefs, if not terms of actns, whether straight or gay, as evinced by the “sex tourism” dtry. In France, the legal fight for gays foced on crimalizg sodomy and lowerg the age of nsent for homosexual acts to match the age of nsent for heterosexual acts. Strint fenrs of perasty and pedophilia took up this mantle as well, argug that gay and youth liberatn went hand hand.

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By the end of the , though, an all-out moral panic around pedophilia me to domate the media on both sis of the Atlantic, which st all gay men as perverts and gave birth to axms like “stranger danger”—nveniently elidg the fact that most child sex abe happens wh cis-heterosexual fai, which do not bear the same scty. See, for stance, Ana Bryant’s anti-gay mpaign, “Save Our Children”—begun 1977 after Florida’s Da County clud sexual orientatn s discrimatn polici for employment and hog—which equated homosexualy and child predatn. In rponse, by the 1990s the gay movement narrowed s goals to claims on the property rights btowed by the fay stcture, leavg the historil legacy around perasty unsatisfactorily rolved.

Though the gay movement and the women’s movement early on touted fay aboln, seeg the fay as the laboratory of opprsn, they end up spltg: gay men retaed a macho mment that left women behd, while some sects of the women’s movement doubled down on historilly erced rol like motherhood, such that “protectg” children beme a femist cry. As Gayle Rub tails “Thkg Sex, ” certa femists also began makg mon e wh Christian reactnari the form of the moral panics of the 1980s to stop porn and sex work, while also turng to the police for solutns to enmic sexual vlence. Amid all this furor, one might be exced for not noticg that at the same time, the trans woman was largely expelled om the gay and women’s movement—an expulsn whose u is tly ripeng this moment.

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Ntext, we need only look at the now-famo moment when Sylvia Rivera battled her way on stage at the 1973 Christopher Street Liberatn Day Rally to nmn the cisgenr whe gays for leavg behd the rcerated and unhoed queers. I’ve been tryg to get up here all day for your gay brothers and your gay sisters jail that wre me every motherfuckg week y’all don’t do a goddamn thg for them!...

I have been beaten, I have had my nose broken, I have been thrown jail, I have lost my job, I have lost my apartment, for gay liberatn. It’s important that she announc the se of the prison as the mand for gay liberatn, and also for the possibily of forms of kship, envisng a broar solidary than the rpectable gays would embrace.

Johnson—both to some extent reclaimed and tamed by a rporate gay movement—n pot to an alternative history of trans youth. If we want to rce all of this to the most tre and faiar qutn, a kd of return to the drama of g out, we e back to the qutn often asked by the straight world, a qutn much lamented by gays themselv: What “mak” someone queer? Early gay liberatn texts—like Hocquenghem’s “Towards a Homosexual View of the World, ” as well as Mar Mieli’s Homosexualy and Liberatn, or even more allegorilly, Larry Mchell’s The Faggots and their Friends Between Revolutns—acknowledged alongsi femist texts the patriarchal vlence sential to the reproductn of palist relatns, though often overlookg the racialized and lonial power stctur that e to shape lived genr and sexualy.

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Hocquenghem repeatedly pots to the way that the nuclear fay works as a mi state: as he wr Gay Liberatn After ’68, “Most fai are a daily hell, the father who yells at his kids bee he n’t yell at his boss. ) More important, perhaps, for the young gay, is the experience of hidg om a fay, all while ntually beg intified anyway for not measurg up to the expectatns of genr and sexualy.

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Hocquenghem dat his nsc realizatn of his sexualy to when his mother took him and said, “But at least you aren’t homosexual? Integral to this was a sire to liberate young people om such nstrats—grantg the youth the power to terme their actns, and perhaps breakg beyond the drabns of straight perative sex, which for Hocquenghem was always about mascule domatn (unlike what he saw as the parodic reversibily of gay sex). This related notn that transns spreads through social ntagn was leveled at homosexualy the past—and was proudly taken up by early gay liberatn movements.

The French ernment, for stance, clared homosexualy a social plague 1960, and the FHAR ed this as the name of their journal om 1972–1974. But you n’t simultaneoly voke the liberatory danger of queerns while playg the liberal game of lookg for protectn om the law, pecially as is termtently applied on racial and class basis, and therefore still reasserts the sential “crime of homosexualy. Of urse, the fake anxiety that whe kids learng about the pravi of palism, lonialism, and slavery will wd up hatg themselv maps onto the fear that those same kids might also be turned gay or trans by a nefar queen at Drag Story Hour, if not through straight up recment.

Liberatn for gays, for women, will rema plete whout endg the fay form and the morizatn of children. The nfg thg is that we n hear the claim of parental rights the phrasg of a mand for liberatn through regnn—jt like the gay movement asserted s rights.

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