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THE DEATH OF GAY MALATE: ONE-TIME GAY CAPAL OF THE PHILIPP

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The Malate district of Metropolan Manila was the gay pal of the cy, ed of the entire archipelagic Philipp, om the 1970s until the early part of this century. However, a quick walk along the now quiet streets is all one needs to nfirm the fact that gay Malate is ad.

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Several terlockg factors have brought about the mise of Malate as a gay space and this paper is a most attempt to provi not on this phenomenon. Philippe gay culture blossomed the 1970s durg the years of the Ferdand Mars dictatorship.

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Popular disurs on homosexualy began appearg, [ref]See Garcia (2009) for the history of Philippe gay culture.

[/ref] exploratns of homosexual life formed them Philippe films, and gay bars[ref]In Filipo gay culture, the exprsn “gay bar” refers to venu where go-go boys-cum-mercial sex workers dance and ter to the erotic needs of gay men (mostly of the effemate bakla kd). However, this paper I e “gay bar” to mean a venue equented by gay men whout the volvement of prostutn.

However, was only the 1990s that a polilly nsc gay and lbian movement thrived the untry, and the cy that wnsed all the ton Philippe Lbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans (LGBT) history was Manila. In the early to mid-1990s, the tersectn of Adriati and Nakpil streets Malate transformed to a by entertament district terg to both gays and straights.

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[ref]For not on popular gay venu the 1990s, see Remoto (1997), pp.

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[/ref] One of the first gay venu along Nakpil Street was Blue Café, which showsed drag performanc on Wednday nights. However, now all the gay tablishments along the Orosa-Nakpil tersectn, save for one, the Che’lu Bar, are gone.

What has led to the mise of gay Malate?

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Morn munitns technologi have changed the sexual cisg ruals of gay men across the pla. Datg s and apps like Pla Romeo and Grdr have eaten up the cisg market and, the Philipp, they have provid gays wh a safer way to fd partners. Before the emergence of social workg s, cheap cemas, public parks, and bathho were among the favoure plac where gay men Manila sought out partners.

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Gay bars were somewhat safer plac to meet other gay men as, to my knowledge, they were very rarely raid by the police. However, even if a gay bar was a safe choice for socialisg, there were nohels many Filipo gay men who refed to go to the venu for fear of beg “outed” or intified as gay.

In this ntext, virtual munitns technologi have bee a viable solutn to the problems posed by the dangers of physil spac and the self-acceptance issu hntg non-scene gays.

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The most subscribed ee mobile phone app and gay datg se the Philipp is perhaps Pla Romeo (PR). Onle cisg for partners is an ial and st-efficient choice and whout doubt has impacted trimentally on the earngs of gay bars, many of which have subsequently gone out of bs. Pla Romeo (PR): Gay datg se the Philipp.

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New Generatn Gays, New Gay Urban Spac. Another factor to nsir the rise and fall of Malate as a gay space is the changg mographics of men who equent gay bars. Different bars attract ctomers om different socenomic backgrounds, and gay bars Manila are class-stratified, wh some terg to upper class and others to lower middle class and workg class gay men.

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[/ref] and gay men nstute a signifint percentage of the workforce this burgeong service dtry.

The BPO gay men, mostly ll-centre agents, nstute a sizeable proportn of the market for gay bars and rtrants. Geographic lotn a ngted part of the cy and the changg nature of work of the target market of gay bars are therefore further factors that have nmned gay Malate to extctn.

The Polics of Urban Gay Spac. In this paper’s fal sectn I suggt a further reason for the ath of gay Malate, namely, the lack of polil awarens among the majory of gay men the untry.

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On the one hand, was a symbol of gay pri. However, the discrepancy between the number of those who participated the annual public Gay Pri March Malate pared to the number of people who attend pri parti gay venu after the March dit that only a relatively small number of queers Manila were prepared to be open about their sexualy. If the bar-goers had joed the annual public Gay Pri March the event would have had more participants.

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What did “gay pri” fact mean to the men who only went to the post-Pri March parti anised by the gay bars? While “gay pri” may clu personal affirmatn of one’s gay inty as well as acknowledgment of the gay muny’s existence and of a sense of belongg to , I ntend that the dimensns of polil will and polil actn were missg the gay parti and Malate general. Gay pri the Malate gay bar scene was rced to a mere mercial enterprise void of polil ntent or meang.

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It was a place for gay men who wanted to selectively e out and yet at the same time to also rema the closet.

Paradoxilly, the lure of g out, that is, of publicly stagg gayns Malate, such as gay pri march and parti, rted on the possibily of returng to the privacy of the closet that the mercial gay venu the Malate area signified. [/ref] Radil sexual polics the Philipp was not possible bee the majory of the patrons at Malate’s gay bars were not terted gay and lbian , nor they did they re about LGBT history.

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Prence gay urban spac do not always translate to gay polics or activism. For gay spac to endure requir polil solidary and pri. ” Gay Star News., accsed 15 May 2013.

[/ref] The gay populatn the Philipp (not to mentn the lbian, bisexual, and transgenr muni) is divid by bary labels like “discreet” vers “out”, “mascule” vers “effemate”, and “mcular” vers “chubby”.

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Gay men are also divid by class differenc that have ma extremely difficult for them to band together polilly. A homophobic and pecially problematic dichotomy ntemporary Filipo gay disurse is “discreet” vers “out”, wh “discreet” notg mascule, not obv, and preferably (though not always) the closet, whereas “out” not effemacy and lack of rpectabily.

Class differenc and genr prentatn rema divisive forc Philippe gay culture.

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