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Contents:
- 同志自述:健身房浴室遭遇GAY大叔
- 163 GAY ST, WTWOOD, MA 02090
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同志自述:健身房浴室遭遇GAY大叔
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Acrdg to the Human Rights Campaign, there were 315 anti-gay and anti-trans bills – a rerd number – troduced 2022 that sought to rtrict accs to genr-affirmg re, ban LGBTQ curriculum and prevent trans athlet om playg sports. Carol North, Amic Edor and Ala Suris, Amic EdorAbstractIn 1973, the Amerin Psychiatric Associatn (APA) removed the diagnosis of “homosexualy” om the send edn of s Diagnostic and Statistil Manual (DSM).
In an effort to expla how that cisn me about, this paper reviews some historil scientific theori and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexualy DSM-I and DSM-II as well as alternative theori that eventually led to s removal om DSM III and subsequent edns of the manual. Keywords: Amerin Psychiatric Associatn (APA), diagnosis, Diagnostic and Statistil Manual (DSM), genr beliefs, genr bari, homosexualy, psychiatry1.
IntroductnIn 1973, the Amerin Psychiatric Associatn (APA) removed the diagnosis of “homosexualy” om the send edn of s Diagnostic and Statistil Manual (DSM) [1, 2].
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This rulted after parg petg theori, those that pathologized homosexualy and those that viewed as normal [3, 4, 5, 6].
In an effort to expla how that cisn me about, this paper reviews some historil scientific theori and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexualy DSM-I [7] and DSM-II [8], as well as alternative theori, that eventually led to s removal om DSM III [9] and subsequent edns of the manual [10, 11, 12, 13]. Theori of HomosexualyIt is possible to formulate a scriptive typology of etlogil theori of homosexualy throughout morn history which they generally fall to three broad tegori: pathology, immatury, and normal variatn [14, 15, 16].
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Theori of PathologyThe theori regard adult homosexualy as a disease, a ndn viatg om “normal, ” heterosexual velopment [17]. The theori hold that some ternal fect or external pathogenic agent homosexualy and that such events n occur pre- or postnatally (i.
Theori of pathology tend to view homosexualy as a sign of a fect, or even as morally bad, wh some of the theorists beg que open about their belief that homosexualy is a social evil. For example, psychiatrist and psychoanalyst Edmund Bergler famoly wrote a book for general dienc, “I have no bias agast homosexuals; for me they are sick people requirg medil help...
Still, though I have no bias, I would say: Homosexuals are sentially disagreeable people, regardls of their pleasant or unpleasant outward manner... Theori of ImmaturyThe theori, ually psychoanalytic nature, regard exprsns of homosexual feelgs or behavr at a young age as a normal step toward the velopment of adult heterosexualy [19, 20].
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Those who hold the theori tend to regard immatury as relatively benign, or at least not as “bad” pared to those who theorize that homosexualy is a form of psychopathology.
Such theori typilly regard homosexual dividuals as born different, but is a natural difference affectg a mory of people, like left-handns. Genr BeliefsIt is rare to fd a theory of homosexualy that do not draw upon genr beliefs that nta implic cultural ias about the “sential” quali of men and women [14, 16, 25]. However there is also the 19th century bary of homosexualy/heterosexualy (or gay/straight the 20th century) and the emergg 21st century bary of transgenr/cisgenr.
For example, the tersex hypothis of homosexualy [26, 27] matas that the bras of homosexual dividuals exhib characteristics that would be nsired more typil of the other sex. Siarly, blogil rearchers have prumed gay men have bras that more closely remble those of women [29] or are recipients of extra agments of their mothers’ X (female) chromosom [30] beliefs ually only allow for the existence of two sex.
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The good/bad bary is not nfed to relign alone, as the language of moraly is evably found, for example, theori about the “” of homosexualy. For the absence of certu about homosexualy’s “etlogy, ” bary genr beliefs and their associated moral unrpngs equently play a role theori about the and/or meangs of homosexualy. Early Theorists of HomosexualyFor much of Wtern history, official pronouncements on the meangs of same-sex behavrs were primarily the provce of religns, many of which emed homosexualy to be morally “bad” [36].
Eventually, relig tegori like monic posssn, dnkenns, and sodomy were transformed to the scientific tegori of sany, alholism, and, the morn history of homosexualy ually begs the mid-19th century, most notably wh the wrgs of Karl Herich Ulrichs [21]. Traed law, theology, and history, he might be nsired an early gay rights advote who wrote a seri of polil tracts cricizg German laws crimalizg same sex relatnships between men.
In 1869, Hungarian journalist Károli Mária Kertbeny first ed the terms “homosexual” and “homosexualy” a polil treatise agast Paragraph 143, a Pssian law later dified Germany’s Paragraph 175 that crimalized male homosexual behavr [37]. Kertbeny put forward his theory that homosexualy was born and unchangeable, arguments that was a normal variatn, as a unterweight agast the nmnatory moralizg attus that led to the passage of sodomy laws. Richard von Krafft-Ebg, a German psychiatrist, offered an early theory of pathology, scribg homosexualy as a “generative” disorr.
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In an ironic twist of the morn “born gay” theory, Krafft-Ebg believed that although one might be born wh a homosexual predisposn, such clatns should be nsired a ngenal disease. Krafft-Ebg was fluential dissematg among the medil and scientific muni both the term “homosexual” as well as s thor’s view of homosexualy as a psychiatric disorr.
Psychopathia Sexualis would prage many of the pathologizg assumptns regardg human sexualy psychiatric diagnostic manuals of the mid-20th ntrast, Magn Hirschfeld [38], also a German psychiatrist, offered a normative view of homosexualy. Hirschfeld, an openly homosexual physician and sex rearcher, was a lear of the German homophile movement of his time as well as the standard bearer of Ulrich’s [21] 19th century third sex theori.
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As he believed everyone is born wh bisexual tennci, exprsns of homosexualy uld be a normal phase of heterosexual velopment. This belief nate bisexualy did not allow for the possible existence of Hirschfeld’s third sex: “Psychoanalytic rearch is most cidly opposed to any attempt at separatg off homosexuals om the rt of mankd as a group of special character” [19], (p.
Further, Frd argued that homosexualy uld not be a “generative ndn” as Krafft-Ebg mataed bee, among other reasons, was “found people whose efficiency is unimpaired, and who are ed distguished by specially high tellectual velopment and ethil culture” [19], (p. Toward the end of his life, Frd wrote “Homosexualy is assuredly no advantage, but is nothg to be ashamed of, no vice, no gradatn; nnot be classified as an illns; we nsir to be a variatn of the sexual functn, produced by a certa arrt of sexual velopment” [39], (p. This belief ma him psimistic about efforts to change a homosexual orientatn to a heterosexual one: “In general, to unrtake to nvert a fully veloped homosexual to a heterosexual do not offer much more prospect of succs than the reverse, except that for good practil reasons the latter is never attempted” [28], (p.
Heterosexualy was the only blogil norm and homosexualy renceptualized as a “phobic” avoidance of the other sex ed by aquate parentg.
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[42] and Soris [43], analysts whose claims of psychoanalytic “cur” of homosexualy were broadly accepted by their profsnal muny although never verified any meangful or empiril way (cf. The Sexologists As psychiatrists, physicians, and psychologists tried to “cure” homosexualy, sex rearchers of the mid-20th century stead studied a wir spectm of dividuals that clud non-patient populatns.
Psychiatrists and other clicians drew nclns om a skewed sample of patients seekg treatment for homosexualy or other difficulti and then wrote up their fdgs of this self-selected group as se reports.
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The Ksey reports, surveyg thoands of people who were not psychiatric patients, found homosexualy to be more mon the general populatn than was generally believed, although his now-famo “10%” statistic is today believed to be closer to 1%–4% [46]. This fdg was sharply at odds wh psychiatric claims of the time that homosexualy was extremely rare the general populatn. Ford and Beach’s [47] study of diverse cultur and of animal behavrs, nfirmed Ksey’s view that homosexualy was more mon than psychiatry mataed and that was found regularly nature.
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In the late 1950s, Evelyn Hooker [24], a psychologist, published a study which she pared psychologil tt rults of 30 gay men wh 30 heterosexual ntrols, none of whom were psychiatric patients. Her study found no more signs of psychologil disturbanc the gay male group, a fdg that refuted psychiatric beliefs of her time that all gay men had severe psychologil disturbanc.
It should be further noted that some mid-20th century homophile (gay) activist groups accepted psychiatry’s illns mol as an alternative to societal nmnatn of homosexualy’s “immoraly” and were willg to work wh profsnals who sought to “treat” and “cure” homosexualy. Other gay activists, however, forcefully rejected the pathologil mol as a major ntributor to the stigma associated wh homosexualy.
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In the wake of the 1969 Stonewall rts New York Cy [49], gay and lbian activists, believg psychiatric theori to be a major ntributor to anti-homosexual social stigma, dispted the 1970 and 1971 annual meetgs of the Bayer [1] has noted, factors both outsi and wh APA would lead to a renceptualizatn of homosexualy’s place the DSM.
A very few psychoanalysts like Judd Marmor [5, 52] were also takg issue wh psychoanalytic orthodoxy regardg homosexualy. Gay activist protts succeed gettg APA’s attentn and led to unprecented tnal panels at the group’s next two annual meetgs. A 1971 panel, entled “Gay is Good, ” featured gay activists Frank Kameny and Barbara Gtgs explag to psychiatrists, many who were hearg this for the first time, the stigma ed by the “homosexualy” diagnosis [53, 54, 55].
H Anonymo, a “homosexual psychiatrist” who, given the realistic fear of adverse profsnal nsequenc for g out at that time, disguised his te inty om the dience and spoke of the discrimatn gay psychiatrists faced their own profsn [1, 2] protts and panels took place, APA engaged an ternal liberative procs of nsirg the qutn of whether homosexualy should rema a psychiatric diagnosis. This clud a symposium at the 1973 APA annual meetg which participants favorg and opposg removal bated the qutn, “Should Homosexualy be the APA Nomenclature? Robert Spzer, who chaired a submtee lookg to the issue, “reviewed the characteristics of the var mental disorrs and nclud that, wh the exceptn of homosexualy and perhaps some of the other ‘sexual viatns’, they all regularly ed subjective distrs or were associated wh generalized impairment social effectivens of functng” [57], (p.